Chinese Israeli Relations in the Context of US Foreign Policy

Chinese Israeli Relations in the Context of US Foreign Policy

TUGRUL KESKIN

Shanghai University

ABSTRACT: Israel was established as a result of European colonialism in the Middle East and anti-Semitism in Europe; whereas, China was established with the combination of socialism and nationalism which was against British and American imperialism. Both countries had to deal with substantial political obstacles within their respective geographical neighborhoods. Achieving the milestone of mutual official recognition, between these two countries has led to dilemmas in their political relations with third parties. Israel established official diplomatic ties with China in 1992. On the other hand, China heavily supported the Palestinian struggle against Israel at the same time as seeking secretive relations with Israel. Both were hesitant to pursue direct and open political and economic relations until Benjamin Netanyahu’s visit in 2013. China now seeks advanced technology cooperation with Israeli companies, while Israel seeks to deepen its economic relations with China. On the other hand, the US openly criticizes Israeli’s military, political and economic cooperation with China. In this paper, I argue that Chinese and Israeli relations are being shaped by the challenges of US-Israeli relations, and I will critically analyze these dynamics.

DRAFT Workshop Program: China and US Cooperation in Global Governance: Cooperation or Conflict? December 6, 2019 - Shanghai University

Rethinking Narratives of China and the Middle East The Silk Roads and Beyond - University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, USA - April 8th-10th, 2021

Rethinking Narratives of China and the Middle East

The Silk Roads and Beyond

Where: University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, USA

When: April 8th-10th, 2021

The Middle East Center at the University of Pennsylvania invites the submission of abstracts for a conference that examines the relationship between China and the Middle East, both ancient and modern.

Keynote Address: Peter Frankopan

Program Committee: William Figueroa, Mohammadbagher Forough, John Garver, John Ghazvinian, Dru Gladney, Renata Holod, Tugrul Keskin, Victor Mair, Dorraj Manochehr, Eleanor Sims, Jinping Wang, Bingbing Wu 

Details below:

The last decade has seen a great deal of scholarly attention on the relationship between China and the Middle East. The majority of these works have been focused on the role of the modern Chinese state in the region. Countless studies and reports have been authored exploring Chinese investment in Middle Eastern economies, its impact on the politics of oil, and the growing interest that Beijing has taken in the region as a whole. Seen through the prism of U.S. foreign policy, China has been configured as a potential threat, possible ally, and above all a growing challenge to U.S. hegemony. New economic and trade initiatives and a flurry of Chinese goods and construction services throughout the region have had a significant impact on existing relationships and geopolitical calculations. The growing presence of Chinese workers and products have transformed the daily lives, consumption habits, and attitudes of many people who are witnessing these transformations first-hand. Whether these changes are disruptive and exploitative, or stabilizing and mutually beneficial is a hotly debated question, but there is no denying that China is becoming a major player in the Middle East.

Studies of the ancient, medieval, and pre-modern relationship between these two major cultural centers have also been flourishing. From maritime trade routes that stretched from the Chinese coast to the Red Sea, to the spread of Zoroastrianism, Christianity, and Islam in the Middle Kingdom, researchers have begun to recognize the historical roots of China’s seemingly novel interest in the Middle East. Mutual influences have been identified in the fields of art, literature, and architecture, especially after the Mongol invasions of the 13th century, which directly connected all of Asia for the first time in history. The world’s two largest collections of Chinese blue-and-white porcelain wares outside China proper are in Turkey and Iran, respectively, collected meticulously by Ottoman sultans and by Shah Abbas I, founder of the Safavid Dynasty in Iran. Although partly spurred by the rise of modern interest in Sino-Middle Eastern connections, this turn in the literature has provided new ways to explore the history of both regions without direct comparison to developments in the West.

“The Silk Road” has often provided a common framework for both fields, from the traditional overland and maritime Silk Roads of ancient times to the “One Belt, One Road” initiative promoted by China today. This framework tends to emphasize a long history of friendly and mutually beneficial interactions, interrupted by the intrusions of Western colonialism, and currently being restored to its former glory. The purpose of this conference is to foster a creative dialogue between scholars of modern Sino-Middle Eastern relations with those working on earlier periods, with the goal of questioning and complicating these conventional narratives. By treating modern Sino-Middle Eastern connections as historically rooted phenomena that expresses complex economic, political, and cultural interactions, it hopes to encourage scholars to move beyond the conventional and explore the many forms of interaction and exchange between China and the Middle East, both in ancient times and today.

The following is a non-exhaustive list of potential topics; however, we will consider any paper that explores connections between China and the Middle East. 

Papers that incorporate additional regions, such as Europe, Central Asia, or South/Southeast Asia are also encouraged, provided they are also incorporate both China and a country in the Middle East, broadly construed.

Ancient and Modern…

Religious and Philosophical Exchange

Cultural and Artistic Exchange

Political and Ideological Exchange

Economic and Technological Exchange

Linguistic and Literary Exchange

Trade and Transportation  Networks 

Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)           

Politics of Modern Sino-Middle Eastern Relations                            

Security and Political Stability

Geopolitics and Geoeconomics of China and the Middle East

Please send abstracts (350 word limit) and a 1-page CV to 

mec-conference@sas.upenn.edu 

Deadline: 11:59 PM EST Monday, January 21st, 2020

WORKSHOP: China- US Cooperation (Relations) in Global Governance Cooperation or Conflict? - December 6, 2019 Shanghai University

WORKSHOP:

China- US Cooperation (Relations) in Global Governance

Cooperation or Conflict?

December 6, 2019

Organized by

The Center for Global Governance

Institute of Global Studies

http://igs.shu.edu.cn/index.htm

http://igse.shu.edu.cn/

Shanghai University

CHINA

Information and Objectives

Since Modern China was established in 1949 under the leadership CPC and Mao Zedong, US – China Relations have undergone many changes trigerred by social, political and economic circumstances in both countries. Some of the obstacles, challenges and major historical events experienced in the course of US China relations include the Korean War in 1950, the First Taiwan Strait Crisis in 1954, the Tibetan Uprising in 1959, China’s First Atomic Test in 1969, the Sino-Soviet Border Conflict in 1969, Ping-Pong Diplomacy in 1971, Nixon’s Visit to China in 1972, the establishment of formal ties with the US and the One China Policy in 1979, China vis a vis Reagan’s neoliberal era begun in 1982, the Belgrade Chinese Embassy Bombing by USA in 1999, normalizing trade relations between the US and China in 2000, the U.S.-Sino Spy Plane Standoff in 2001, initiations of a strategic dialogue with China as “Responsible Stakeholder,” China becoming the largest U.S. foreign creditor in 2008, China ranked as the world’s second-largest economy in 2010, the U.S. ‘pivot’ toward Asia initiated by Hillary Clinton in 2010, rising trade tensions under the Obama administration in 2012, China’s emerging domestic leadership in 2012, Sunnylands’ Summit with Barack Obama in 2013, the Joint Climate Announcement in 2014, U.S. warning China over the South China Sea in 2015, Trump hosting Xi at Mar-a-Lago in 2017 and Trump’s tariffs targeting China spurring the escalation of a U.S.-China trade war, Pence’s speech signaling a hardline approach to trade and China policy at the Hudson Institute in 2018, Canada arresting a Huawei Executive in 2018 resulting in Huawei suing the United States, intensification of the trade war in 2019.

From our perspective, US – China relations are not different than US hegemonic relations with other countries in terms of its containment policy. However, China is a unique case due to its own demographics; more than 1.4 billion people, including 350 to 450 million strong middle class, combined with its rapid urbanization, dynamic economy, advanced levels of industrialization and modernization, transformation of its gender relations,  new educational system under President Xi Jinping, and Chinese investments in Africa, Latin America, Middle East, South East Asia, Europe and the USA. China offers an example of one of the most important and large scale social, political and economic modernizations in human history. US and China relations between 1979 to 2008 have been somehow stable in comparison to other time periods, however, over the last few years, what we call the China Studies Industry has become more powerful inside the beltway and has dominated US- China relations. As a result, there have been new Trade Wars, US support for Xinjiang, Tibet, Hong Kong and Taiwan, escalation of the conflict in the South China sea and many others that will follow.

This “New Cold War” will not benefit anyone, but drains the resources from both the US and Chinese education and healthcare system, diverting resources that would be put towards infrastructure projects, alleviating poverty, and so on. Furthermore, US economic problems are not related with China! Outsourcing American jobs from Ohio or Iowa are directly related with the neoliberal policies of the US administration since the Reagan policies begun in 1982. We should also remember what happened to the GM factory in Flint, Michigan. Using Taiwan or Honk Kong against China is not a friendly policy. On the other hand, China is not a perfect place, nor is the US. Both countries have significant obstacles and challenges. Both are currently facing similar issues with terrorism, creating jobs for their citizens, building infrastructure, updating educational system and enabling the diversity of their own citizens. Therefore, global governance and collaboration is very important to US-China Relations.

Our objective in organizing this small workshop is to bring scholars and policy makers together to discuss and exchange ideas in a scholarly environment at Shanghai University. We plan to publish conference proceedings in a scholarly journal or edited volume. This year, we will organize this workshop at Shanghai University and next year, we seek to organize a similar workshop in the USA in collaboration with US universities or think-tanks.

If you are working on US – China relations,

if you are a PhD candidate, professor or think-tank scholar,

if you would like to be a part of this workshop and network,

please send us the following:

Abstract (200 to 300 words)tugrulkeskin@t.shu.edu.cn

Your Institutional affiliation

Your Short Bio       

To: tugrulkeskin@t.shu.edu.cn

Deadline for submission: October 15, 2019

The Conference will take place on December 6, 2019.  

We invite submissions on the following and related topics:

China-US Cooperation in G20

China-US Cooperation in Global Trade

China-US Cooperation in Financial Globalization

China US Cooperation in Dealing with Global Climate Governance

China -US Cooperation in Anti-terrorism

China-US Cooperation in Development

China-US Cooperation in Cybersecurity

China-US Cooperation in Peacekeeping

China-US Relations in Technology and Innovation

SDG – Sustainable Development Goals (UN Development Goal)

History of China-US Relations (1949 to present)

There is no fee for this conference. please note that we will cover your accommodations for 3 nights and food during your stay in Shanghai.

We also have some funding for airfare.

Important dates

Submitting Proposals: October 15, 2019

Information about accepting the proposal: By October 20, 2019

Preliminary conference program: by October 24, 2019

Final conference program: November 1, 2019

Submitting Draft Version of Paper: November 20, 2019  

Submitting Papers for Publication: January 20, 2020

Any additional queries should be sent to:

  

·      Tugrul Keskin, Professor, Shanghai University, China. 

·      Guo Changgang, PhD, Professor and Director of Institute of Global Studies, Shanghai University. 

·      Yang Chen, Assistant Professor, Shanghai University, China. 

·      ChenNing, PhD Student and Research Assistant, Institute of Global Studies, Shanghai University, China .

·      David Perez-Des Rosiers, PhD Candidate and Research Assistant, Institute of Global Studies, Shanghai University, China.

·      Andrew Alexander, Grdauate Student and Research Assistant, Institute of Global Studies, Shanghai University, China.

【向築夢人致敬！習近平這樣談教師】桃李春風，師恩難忘。古往今來，尊師重道是中華民族代代傳承的美德。習近平總書記率先垂範，深入校園走訪，傾聽教師期盼，深刻闡釋教育改革見解，把教育擺在優先發展的重要位置

向築夢人致敬！習近平這樣談教師】桃李春風，師恩難忘。
　　古往今來，尊師重道是中華民族代代傳承的美德。習近平總書記率先垂範，深入校園走訪，傾聽教師期盼，深刻闡釋教育改革見解，把教育擺在優先發展的重要位置。
　　“今天的學生就是未來實現中華民族偉大復興中國夢的主力軍，廣大教師就是打造這支中華民族‘夢之隊’的築夢人。”對昔日恩師的感念敬重，對教師群體的希冀關懷，盡顯習近平對大國教育事業的重視與牽掛。又是一年教師節，讓我們一同重溫習近平尊師敬教的暖人情懷。
　　敬重：感念傳道授業之恩，弘揚尊師重教之風
　　1965年金秋，12歲的習近平進入北京市八一學校讀初中。
　　彼時，擔任語文老師的陳秋影常在課堂上講授杜甫的詩，“是那種悲天憫人的、充滿人民性的、懷抱蒼生的詩歌。”
　　下課後，習近平主動與陳秋影交流，表示十分喜愛杜甫這位大詩人，希望多讀一些他的作品。
　　勤學多思，穩重仁厚，這是陳秋影對少年習近平的印象。
　　畢業已逾五十載，但光陰未曾疏離師生間的聯絡。習近平在外地工作期間，每逢來京開會，他總會抽空拜望教過他課業的老師。當陳秋影將自己新近出版的童話集贈給習近平時，時任福建省委副書記、代省長的他百忙中抽空回信：
　　“非常感謝您贈送的兒童文學著作，並對老師在退休之後依然辛勤耕耘不止感到萬分敬佩。”
　　“尊師敬教是中華民族的傳統美德，正如毛主席對徐特立老人所說的那樣：您過去是我的老師，現在仍然是我的老師，將來還是我的老師。老師的恩情我是永遠不會忘記的。”
　　光陰流轉，授業之恩難忘；尺素寸心，師生情誼彌深。
　　2014年六一兒童節，習近平在與海澱民族小學師生代表的座談會上同陳秋影再次會面。回憶起當年的場景，習近平動情地說，“我還記得讀初中一年級時，您教我們語文，把課文解釋得非常好。”拳拳之心，溢於言表。
　　尊師重教，習近平身體力行為全社會作出表率。在他心中，“百年大計，教育為本。教師是立教之本、興教之源，承擔著讓每個孩子健康成長、辦好人民滿意教育的重任。”
　　每年教師節前後，習近平常以視察學校、看望老師或致慰問信等多種方式向廣大教師致以節日問候。
　　——2013年9月9日，正在烏茲別克斯坦進行國事訪問的習近平，百忙之中不忘向全國廣大教師致信慰問。他說：“全社會要大力弘揚尊師重教的良好風尚，使教師成為最受社會尊重的職業。”
　　——2016年9月9日，習近平來到北京市八一學校看望慰問師生，再次見到曾經的老師們，習近平動情地說，看到各位老師精神這麼好，我心裏特別高興。當年老師對我們要求十分嚴厲，現在回想起來，終生受益。
　　——2019年9月5日，習近平給全國涉農高校的書記校長和專家代表回信，勉勵他們“繼續以立德樹人為根本，以強農興農為己任，拿出更多科技成果，培養更多知農愛農新型人才，為推進農業農村現代化、確保國家糧食安全、提高億萬農民生活水準和思想道德素質、促進山水林田湖草系統治理，為打贏脫貧攻堅戰、推進鄉村全面振興不斷作出新的更大的貢獻。”
　　“全黨全社會要弘揚尊師重教的社會風尚，努力提高教師政治地位、社會地位、職業地位，讓廣大教師享有應有的社會聲望，在教書育人崗位上為黨和人民事業作出新的更大的貢獻。”習近平在全國教育大會上的這番話，讓無數教育工作者倍感欣慰，深受鼓舞。
　　希冀：成為塑造學生品格的“大先生” 辦好人民滿意的教育
　　“今天的學生就是未來實現中華民族偉大復興中國夢的主力軍，廣大教師就是打造這支中華民族‘夢之隊’的築夢人。”
　　對教師，習近平滿含敬重之情，更懷有殷殷期望和希冀。
　　習近平曾這樣描述自己心中的好老師：當老師，就要心無旁騖，甘守三尺講臺，“春蠶到死絲方盡，蠟炬成灰淚始幹”。“教師不能只做傳授書本知識的教書匠，要成為塑造學生品格、品行、品味的‘大先生’。”
　　教師應勇擔重任——
　　2013年，在致全國廣大教師的慰問信裏，習近平強調，“教師是立教之本、興教之源，承擔著讓每個孩子健康成長、辦好人民滿意教育的重任。”
　　努力做教育改革的奮進者、教育扶貧的先行者、學生成長的引導者是教師的重大責任。
　　目前，我國教育仍存在發展不平衡不充分的問題，西部地區、農村地區、老少邊窮島地區等尤其需要加大扶持力度。
　　“國家發展，一定是共同發展，不能讓任何一個地區、任何一個孩子落伍掉隊。”習近平的一席話，指明補齊教育短板的方向。越來越多的青年學子投身國家建設、投身教育最落後、祖國最需要的地方去。
　　從2000年到2013年，保定學院近百名畢業生自願到雪域高原、西部邊陲教書育人，把青春與夢想安放在西部大地。
　　習近平肯定了他們的付出，“多年來，一批批有理想、有擔當的青年，像你們一樣在西部地區辛勤耕耘、默默奉獻，為當地經濟社會發展、民族團結進步作出了貢獻。”
　　教師應甘當人梯——
　　2014年，在北京大學，習近平用“鋪路石”來形容教師，“教師要時刻銘記教書育人的使命，甘當人梯，甘當鋪路石，以人格魅力引導學生心靈，以學術造詣開啟學生的智慧之門。”
　　教書育人，甘當人梯，是教師的任務，也是教師的品格。
　　上世紀五十年代，出於國家工業建設佈局等方面的考慮，交通大學由上海遷往西安。1000多名交大師生背負行囊，手持印著“向科學進軍，建設大西北”的紅色乘車證，登上西行列車。
　　西遷60多年，西安交大至今累計為國育才25萬多人，從黃浦江畔到渭水之濱，這群人到祖國最需要的地方建功立業，開啟了一個建設西部科技高地和一流大學的風雲甲子。
　　時光荏苒，西遷精神曆久彌新。2017年12月，習近平總書記對西安交大老教授的聯名來信作出重要指示，“希望西安交通大學師生傳承好西遷精神，為西部發展、國家建設奉獻智慧和力量。”
　　教師應注重師風——
　　2018年，習近平強調評價教師隊伍素質的第一標準應該是師德師風。“師德師風建設應該是每一所學校常抓不懈的工作，既要有嚴格制度規定，也要有日常教育督導。”
　　切實加強師德師風建設，不僅是教師個人形象與學校聲譽的反映，更將對大學生“立德”起到榜樣示範作用。
　　“填補西藏的生態學植物學空白，帶出一支留得下的學術隊伍”，這是復旦大學生命科學學院教授鐘揚一直以來的夢想。作為植物學家，他連續援藏16年，在野外收集上千種植物4000多萬顆種子；作為導師，鐘揚特別喜歡招收少數民族學生，他希望“為祖國每個民族都培養一個植物學博士。”
　　他是學生公認的好老師，常常教導學生“立業先立人，立人先立德。”
　　鐘揚曾說，“任何生命都有其結束的一天，但我毫不畏懼，因為我的學生會將科學探索之路延續。”在他離開後，他的學生們依然在雪域高原上堅持著他未竟的事業。
　　黃大年、李保國、南仁東、鐘揚……一個個新時代優秀知識份子的“心有大我、至誠報國”的愛國情懷得到總書記的充分肯定。他強調面對新的征程、新的使命，需要在知識份子中弘揚這種傳統、激發這種情懷。
　　百年大計，教育為本；強國富民，育人為先。這是對教師、教育的更高認可，也是對全黨全社會的更高要求。正如中國教育科學研究院教師發展研究所副研究員高慧斌所說，這是建設中國特色社會主義教師隊伍的思想指引，是新方位、新征程、新使命下建設教師隊伍的行動指南。在新的時代，更要擔當好人民教師的時代重任。
　　關懷：興國必先強師 讓教師成為讓人羡慕的職業
發展教育事業是教師的光榮使命，也需要國家的高度重視。以習近平同志為核心的黨中央制定出臺多個政策檔，把對教師群體的關心落到實處。
　　2018年中央頒佈專門面向教師隊伍建設的里程碑式政策檔《中共中央國務院關於全面深化新時代教師隊伍建設改革的意見》，各地紛紛回應，針對如何破解當前亟待解決的突出問題、培養高素質教師隊伍等作出了頂層設計和明確要求。一支師德高尚、業務精湛、結構合理、充滿活力的高素質專業化創新型教師隊伍正逐步建成。
　　“讓廣大教師安心從教、熱心從教、舒心從教、靜心從教，讓廣大教師在崗位上有幸福感、事業上有成就感、社會上有榮譽感，讓教師成為讓人羡慕的職業。”根據教育部公佈的2018年全國教育事業基本情況，一系列政策正在讓教師獲得感落向實處。
　　——抓待遇改善，增強鄉村教師獲得感幸福感。2013年以來中央財政劃撥獎補資金157億元，其中2018年45億元，惠及中西部725個縣8萬多所學校127萬名教師，補助最高的每月達到2000元。
　　——抓專業發展，提高鄉村特別是貧困地區教師隊伍整體素質。實施國培計畫，組織中小學教師資訊技術應用能力提升工程7個培訓平臺支援“三區三州”，共培訓教師校長約120萬人次。
　　——抓榮譽表彰，增強鄉村教師職業責任感使命感。實施鄉村優秀青年教師培養獎勵計畫，2018年起每年遴選300人，每人獎勵1萬元，連續實施5年。
　　據教育部教師工作司司長任友群介紹，教師地位待遇顯著提升，教師工資由上世紀80年代之前在國民經濟各行業排倒數後三位，提升到目前在全國19大行業排名第7位。“教育部將研究改革和完善績效工資總量核定辦法，提高獎勵性績效工資比例，降低職稱在績效工資分配中的權重，單列班主任崗位津貼，推動提高教師教齡津貼標準。”
　　健全中小學教師工資長效聯動機制，力爭用三年時間解決義務教育階段教師工資待遇問題，實現與當地公務員工資收入同步調整……政策導向、資金支持，一個個檔，一串串數字，印證著國家對教師隊伍建設的重視。
　　興國必先強師。認識教師工作的極端重要性，有利於教師隊伍的建設和教育改革的發展。北京師範大學校長董奇表示：“黨和國家領導人以身體力行詮釋尊師重教的國家戰略，我們更應煉就一支高素質、專業化的教師隊伍，為我國建成人力資源強國、科技創新強國輸送英才，為到本世紀中葉建成社會主義現代化強國貢獻力量。”
　　好老師是民族的希望。一個民族擁有源源不斷的好老師，這是民族發展的根本依靠、未來依託。建設起一支充滿活力的教師隊伍，更為加快教育現代化、建設教育強國、實現中華民族偉大復興的中國夢提供源源不竭的智力支持。
　　桃李芬芳，師恩難忘。敬重、希冀、關懷，話語間傳遞立德樹人的期盼，尺素間表達尊師重教的深情。一個崇德尚學的民族，總是把崇高的位置留給教師。弘揚尊師重教的社會風尚，民族復興的征途將會更加充滿希望

Chinese Image in the Western Academia: Chinaphobia and Neo-orientalism in Chinese Studies in the US After the Cold War Era

Chinese Image in the Western Academia:

Chinaphobia and Neo-orientalism in Chinese Studies in the US After the Cold War Era

Tugrul Keskin

Professor and Director of Center for Global Governance

Shanghai University

tugrulkeskin@t.shu.edu.cn

ABSTRACT: Edward Said’s theory of Orientalism sparked the rise of a more critical understanding and discussion within the social sciences and humanities on how Orientalist scholarship has produced a false image rather than providing any academic objectivity in the fields of history, anthropology and political science. However, the old colonial mapping and containment of culture embedded within Middle East Studies has not been critically evaluated and updated to address modern realities in the years after Said’s work on Orientalism, not just in Middle East Studies, but also as it applies to African, Asian and Latin America Studies. This is due to the large scholarly industry of area studies, which has grown and benefitted from the plethora of state institutions that support and provide grants for academic careerism. According to Wallerstein, post-war language training was “the major justification for post-war U.S. government financing of area studies” Probably one of the best examples of this trend has been demonstrated within and through Turkish and Ottoman Studies in the US. On the other hand, area studies itself has an embedded colonial structure. However, over the last fifty years the colonial approach has started to change, influenced by facets of neoliberal globalization, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the emergence of modern China in the late 1980s. Instead of disappearing however, the old colonial model has been replaced with a new approach based on the neoliberal model of neo-orientalism and public scholarship. As a result, in the 1990s we started to see a more aggressive and hegemonic form of scholarship that uses a neoliberal understanding of human rights, academic freedom, religious freedom, democracy, and press freedom as tools in service to the neo-orientalist perspective. In the 1990s, modern China was emerging, while basic political concepts were reconfigured in Washington DC. These new economic and political realities have led to many important implications on academia, specifically for Chinese Studies in the US. In this article, I argue that the Neo-Orientalism perspective embedded in Western academia and also within the media and think-tanks, is a continuation of the cold war policy model.

9 Reasons Why You Should Visit Shanghai at Least Once in Your Lifetime‼️

‼9 Reasons Why You Should Visit Shanghai at Least Once in Your Lifetime‼️
- Shanghai is full of beautiful CONTRASTS - One great thing about this city is that you can always go cheaper (and find a full meal for ¥10 / $1.45 and you can always go more expensive (and spend $735 per person for a 20-course dinner).
- There’s always something NEW in Shanghai - Old restaurants, shops, and buildings are constantly being overhauled for new and renovated models.
- Shanghai’s skyscrapers are record-breaking - Opened in 2016, the Shanghai Tower is officially the world’s second tallest building at 632 metres and boasts the world’s second fastest elevator, which travels at a staggering 20.5 metres per second.
- Shanghai’s nightlife is diverse - New York may be the city that never sleeps, but Shanghai gives it a run for its money.
- Shanghai’s architecture is trendy - Shanghai is home to a unique style of lane house called shikumen, which combines Western and Chinese elements.
- Shanghai’s history is fascinating. - Shanghai is a young city by Chinese standards. Up until the 1800s, it was little more than a fishing outpost.
- Shanghai has numerous surrounding water towns - These ancient areas built on canals offer a tranquil getaway from the fast-paced city centre.
- Shanghai is the perfect jumping off point to other Chinese destinations - Once you’ve had your fill of Shanghai, if that ever happens, it’s simple (and cheap!) to get out of town.
- You don’t have to learn Chinese to get by in Shanghai - Due to its history of multiculturalism and rising wealth, many Shanghainese speak enough English to ensure that your ni hao (‘hello’) and xie xie (‘thank you’) are all you need to get by.
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Come to #ShanghaiUniversity, explore Shanghai on your own and never get disappointed! 🤩
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#WhyShanghai #ShanghaiUni #Shanghai #WhatToDoInShanghai #StudyInShanghai #StudyInChina #StudyAbroad

Chinese Li-nian no less important than a theory By Jiang Shixue

Chinese Li-nian no less important than a theory 

By Jiang Shixue 

Shanghai University
IGSHU·观点|
China.org.cn, August 13, 2018   

There is only one world, but theories of international relations abound. Indeed, since the birth of the discipline of international studies after the First World War, many new theories have emerged.

While some Chinese scholars claim the book Feigong《非攻》(Against Offensive War)written by the philosopher Mozi (墨子, ca. 470 – ca. 391 BCE) should be considered the first in the world on international relations, it's a fact that the views of Western scholars have dominated contemporary theories on the subject. Important ideas such as realism, liberalism and constructivism, among many others, are not invented by Chinese scholars. 

In 1977, Stanley Hoffmann (1928~2015) wrote an essay arguing that theories of international relations are "an American social science." Many years later, Stephen M. Walt found no conclusive reason to doubt that international relations theories remained dominated by scholars from the Anglo-Saxon world (the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada). 

However, there was a caveat in his 2011 article: "That said, I do have this nagging doubt that maybe I've missed something or someone. So, nominations are now open: who are the most important writers on foreign affairs operating outside the Anglo-Saxon world?"

Differences between a theory and a li-nian

In the 1980s, an ambitious idea appeared in China, calling for domestic scholars to establish a Chinese school of international relations theories, or "theories with Chinese characteristics." Three or four decades have elapsed since then, however, without that dream coming true. 

It does not mean that Chinese scholars in the field of international relations are incompetent. Rather, a few of them have yet been able to win recognition by their counterparts around the world. 

Undoubtedly, theories of international relations are important and necessary. However, for the purpose of making contributions to world peace and development, or understanding the world in a better way, we need to remember that diplomatic li-nian (理念) is no less important than a theory.

There is no fixed translation for the word li-nian. It has meanings encompassing belief, idea, thinking, doctrine, philosophy, concept, principle, etc. 

Differences between a theory of international relations and a diplomatic li-nian are evident. On the one hand, while a theory is the outcome of long-term academic research by scholars, diplomatic li-nian is expressed by leaders of a particular country in their speeches or writings. On the other hand, a theory is often an abstract type of thinking and reasoning, not always closely related to the reality of the world situation. However, a diplomatic li-nian never fails to reflect the perception and judgment of political leaders about the world. Therefore, a country's foreign policies are influenced more by li-nian than theory.

Since 1949, Chinese leaders have put forward quite a few ideas in this regard. Some of them are outdated as the world situations and domestic conditions on which they were based have dramatically changed. For instance, Mao Zedong suggested the world's proletariat should (and would) unite to 'liberate humanity." When the Cultural Revolution (1966~1976) ended, this particular li-nian was dropped.

A community of shared future for humanity 

In recent years, to build a community of shared future for humanity has become China's most important diplomatic li-nian. It first appeared in the White Paper entitled "China's Peaceful Development" published by the Chinese government on September 6, 2011. 

At the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), in November 2012, the then Party chief Hu Jintao reaffirmed this in his report. 

In March 2013, President Xi Jinping embarked on his first overseas trip to Russia and Africa as China's paramount leader. In his speech delivered to a university in Moscow, he said he likened the world to a global village or a community of a shared future with deepening inter-dependence among nations. Since then, he has repeatedly mentioned this diplomatic li-nian on various occasions. 

At the 19th CPC National Congress in October 2017, this particular li-nian was written into the Party constitution; and, at the 13th National People's Congress session in March 2018, it was added to the national Constitution. As a result, it has become the will of the nation and the Party.

Apart from the community of a shared future for all humanity, President Xi has also proposed to construct such a community for Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, China-Africa, China-Latin America, China-ASEAN, China-Arab, China-Cambodia, China-Pakistan, China-Belarus, China-Vietnam, China-Uzbekistan, China-Kazakhstan, China-Laos, and China and its neighbors. Moreover, he has also suggested a similar development in cyberspace.

From his various speeches, we can see that this is composed of five pillars: peace, security, economic prosperity, cultural harmony and a green environment. These objectives will not be realized shortly, but humanity should not stop cherishing this dream for the world.

In conclusion, although no Chinese school of international relations theories is born yet, diplomatic li-nian like building a community of a shared future for all humanity is much more important and helpful. And, this philosophy can also serve as a guiding principle for Chinese scholars to establish a Chinese school of international relations theories. 

5th China and The Middle East and North Africa Conference: May 17 and 18, 2019 Shanghai University, CHINA

5th China and The Middle East and North Africa Conference:     

May 17 and 18, 2019  

Institute of Global Studies http://igs.shu.edu.cn/

Shanghai University 

People’s Republic of China   

Conference Program  

Place: Lehu Hotel, Baoshan Campus, Shanghai University, CHINA.  

Date: May 17 and 18, 2019  

Friday May 17, 2019

9:00 – 9:15 Introduction and Welcome Speech Guo Changgang, Professor and Director of Institute of Global Studies - Shanghai University, China.

9:15 - 9:30 Welcome Speech and Introduction Professor Yang Guang, President of Middle East Studies Association of China, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and Shanghai University.

9:30 – 10:00 Keynote Speech Professor Juan Cole, University of Michigan

COFFEE BREAK

10:00 - 10:30

PANEL – 2: 

10:30 – 12:00

Chair: Sayed Mojtaba Mahdavi Ardekani, ECMC Chair in Islamic Studies and Professor of Political Science at the University of Alberta, Canada.

1. Perceptions of China’s Soft Power in the United Arab Emirates: Preliminary Findings from a Cross-Sectional Study - Yuting Wang Associate Professor of Sociology Department of International Studies American University of Sharjah, UAE.
2. Syrian Men’s Disability and their Masculine Trajectories in the Context of Displacement in Jordan and Turkey - Aitemad Muhanna-Matar, Middle East Centre, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK.
3. China’s Projections in North Africa:  Can the Belt Road Serve as Way to Supplant Western Powers? -  Yahia H. ZOUBIR Professor, Kedge School of Business, France.  
4. Does the Belt and Road Initiative Challenge the Current Global Order? Competing Perspectives from IR/IPE Theories - Xiao (Alvin) Yang   University of Kassel, Germany.

PANEL – 3: 

10:30 – 12:00

Chair: Tianqin Yan School of Foreign Languages & Centre for European Studies, Sichuan University, China. 

1. Turkey and the Gulf: Addressing the Political-Economic Challenges of an Unstable Region - Lenore G. Martin, Professor of Political Science and International Studies, Emmanuel College Associate, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University, USA.
2. Gendered Activism: Female Religious Authority - Samaneh Oladi Ghadikolaei, Virginia Commonwealth University and University of California Santa Barbara, USA.
3. Modern Middle East and China: The Case of Saudi Arabia - Rüdiger Lohlker, Professor Oriental Institute, University of Vienna, Austria.
4. Belt and Road Initiative and China’s Expanding Ties With West Asia and North Africa and Their Ramifications - Manochehr Dorraj, Professor, Texas Christian University, USA.

LUNCH

12:00 – 13:30

PANEL – 4: 

13:30 – 15:00

Chair: Yang Chen, Shanghai University, China. 

1. The Civilization Interaction in Umayyad Caliphate from the Perspective of the Hisham Palace - Zheng Min Middle East Research Institute, Northwest University, China. 
2. The ‘Quandary of Made in China’: Palestinian Globalisation From Below Under Occupation - Oliver John Hayakawa, Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies. The University of Exeter. UK. 
3. The Triple Pillar of Sino-Middle East Relations in the Age of Neoliberalism - Sayed Mojtaba Mahdavi Ardekani ECMC Chair in Islamic Studies and Professor of Political Science at the University of Alberta, Canada.
4. Conflicting Approaches on Humanitarian Intervention: In Light of the Darfur Crisis - Samuel Aron, PhD Student, Shanghai University, China. 

PANEL - 5: 

13:30 – 15:00

Chair: Antonio Zapata, Shanghai University, China. 

1. Trend of Turkish economic policy and the Sino- Turkish Economic Cooperation under the Presidential system - Wei Min Institute of West Asian and African Studies (IWAS) Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), China. 
2. China’s ’Enmeshment’ and the Middle East – A Theoretical Approach - András BARTÓK, Assistant Lecturer, National University of Public Service, Hungary Faculty of International and European Studies Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Hungary. 
3. The Shia Clerical Establishment in Iran: Evolution or Demise? - Najm al-Din Yousefi, Associate Professor and Director of the Middle East Studies, California State University-Chico. USA.
4. Whither Chinese-Iranian relations after the US withdrawal from the JCPOA? - Erzsébet NAGYNÉ RÓZSA, National University of Public Service, Budapest, Hungary.

COFFEE BREAK

15:00 – 15-30

PANEL - 6: 

15:30 – 17:00

Chair: Wei Min Institute of West Asian and African Studies (IWAS) Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), China.

1. Women in the Turkish Politics from Past to Present - Ömer Turan, Professor, Middle East Technical University, Turkey.
2. An Analysis of China’s Middle East Smart Power Strategy - Hasan ALTIN PhD Student, Shanghai University, China. 
3. Deepening Collaboration Between Saudi Arabia and China - Dongmei Chen and Wenke Han, King Abdullah Petroleum Studies and Research Center1, Energy Research Institute, National Development and Reform Commission, Saudi Arabia. 
4. The Role of Infrastructure in the Middle East Economic Development and the Prospects of “One Belt One Road - Jiang Yingmei Associate Professor, Institute of West Asian and African Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, China.

PANEL - 7: 

15:30 – 17:00

Chair: Najm al-Din Yousefi, Associate Professor and Director of the Middle East Studies, California State University-Chico. USA.

1. Documenting the Masses; Inlcusion and Ommission in The Ottoman Archive - Reem Meshal Associate Professor Middle East Studies Department Hamad Bin Khalifa University, Doha, Qatar.
2. The Imperial Archives and Repressive Histories in Bahrain: Challenging the Arcane - Marc Owen Jones, Assistant Professor Middle East Studies Department Hamad bin Khalifa University, Doha, Qatar.
3. A Living Archive? Reflections on an Oral History Project with Palestinian Bedouin Women in the Naqab - Sophie Richter-Devroe, Associate Professor Middle East Studies Department Hamad Bin Khalifa University, Doha, Qatar.
4. China’s Relations With Lebanon and Syria:  A Comparative Analysis - David Perez-Des Rosiers, PhD Candidate in Global Studies, Shanghai University, China.

DINNER

18:00 – 20:00

Saturday May 18, 2019

PANEL – 8: 

9:00 – 10:30

Chair: Nikos Christofis, Associate Professor, Center for Turkish Studies and School of History and Civilization Shaanxi Normal University, Xi’an, China.

1. Challenges and potential solutions: Should Saudi Arabia move towards energy cooperation with Israel and Egypt? - Samuel Willner, Fellow, The Ezri Center for Iran & Persian Gulf Studies PhD Student, Dept of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, The University of Haifa, Israel.  
2. Turkish Foreign Policy and the Middle East; Opportunities and Challenges of Turkey in the Spiral of Power, Interests and Values - Cengiz Mert Bulut, PhD Student, Shanghai University, China.
3. Israel’s Challenge of Stability in the Context of BRI's East Mediterranean Policies - Selim Han Yeniacun, PhD Candidate, Global Studies, Shanghai University, China. 
4. Iron Horses on Kemet and Heitudi—A Comparative Study of Two Railways in China and Egypt - Xiaoyue Li Ph.D Candidate, University of Michigan, USA.
5. China as Peaceful Meditator in MENA Countries: More than just a Responsible Player? - Jayshree Borah, PhD Candidate, Shanghai International Studies University, China. 

PANEL - 9: 

9:00 – 10:30

Chair: Rajiv Ranjan, Shanghai University, China. 

1. Turkey’s Role in Eurasia under the Context of Belt and Road Initiative from the Perspective of Geopolitics - Tianqin Yan, School of Foreign Languages & Centre for European Studies, Sichuan University, China.  
2. Evolving Energy Geopolitics and East Asian LNG Trade with Qatar as a Driver of Integration - Steven M. Wright, Associate Professor and Associate Dean College of Humanities and Social Sciences Hamad bin Khalifa University Doha – Qatar.
3. China’s Involvement in the Syrian Crisis - Abdurrahim Sagir, Graduate Student, Shanghai University, China. 
4. Chinese Provinces as Foreign Policy Actors in the Middle East - Jialong Yang, PhD candidate, University of Macao, Macao SAR, China.
5. Sino-Persian Connections, 1905-1959: A View from the Chinese Press - William A Figueroa, PhD Candidate in History and Graduate Student Researcher Middle East Center, University of Pennsylvania USA. (Skype Presentation)

COFFEE BREAK

10:30 - 10:45

PANEL - 10: 

10:45 – 12:15

Chair: Manochehr Dorraj, Professor, Texas Christian University, USA.

1. Displacement of global power balance: The China – USA – Iran triangle as a test case - Lars Erslev Andersen, Senior researcher at Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS), Denmark.
2. Failed Strategy and its Consequences.  The Legacy of Barack Obama’s Presidency in the Middle East - Magdalena Lewicka and Michal Dahl, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń, Poland.
3. Three waves of Turkish Jewish Imigrated to Israel in the 20th Century - Liu Yaping Postgraduate student of Institute of Middle Eastern Studies of Northwest University, China.
4. Retesting Philip Kuhn: A Comparative Analysis on Chinese and Islamic Modern Political Thought Pioneers with the case study of Liang Qichao and Sayyid Qutb - Jiade Xiao, University of Denver, USA. 

PANEL - 11: 

10:45 – 12:15

Chair: Ömer Turan, Professor, Middle East Technical University, Turkey.

1. The Cyprus Question and the AKP Government, 2002-2018 - Nikos Christofis, Associate Professor, Center for Turkish Studies and School of History and Civilization Shaanxi Normal University, Xi’an, China.
2. Environmental Justice in Turkey: Conflicts and Responses - Dobroslawa Wiktor-Mach Center for Advanced Studies of Population and Religion (CASPAR) at the University of Economics in Cracow, Poland.
3. The Question of Identity Construction: an Attempt to Comprehend the Concept of Kurdishness - Seevan Saeed, Associate Professor in Middle East Politics School of History and Civilisation Shaanxi Normal University- Xian, China.
4. Nationalism and Nation-State, The Effects of Micro-Nationalism on Nation-States in the 21^st Century – Serdar Yurtcicek, Zhejiang University, China.

LUNCH

12:15 – 13:30

PANEL – 12: 

13:30 – 15:00

Chair: Lars Erslev Andersen, Senior researcher at Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS), Denmark.

1. The Dubai Silk Road Strategy: China’s Evolving Role in the UAE’s Development Trajectory - Robert Clyde Mogielnicki DPhil, Magdalen College, University of Oxford Resident Scholar, Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, USA.  
2. China and the reconstruction of Syria - Guy Burton, Vesalius College, Brussels; Nicholas Lyall, Centre for Strategic Studies, University of Jordan, Amman; Logan Pauley, Center for Advanced Defense Studies, Washington DC, USA. 
3. Beijing—MENA Relations and the Israeli-Palestinian Question: When Is Enough, Insufficient? - Ian Nelson Assistant Professor (Lecturer) in Transnational History and Politics, School of International Studies, The University of Nottingham, Ningbo, China.
4. China’s Energy Security Policy: From Malacca Dilemma to BRI - Sajjad Talebi PhD Candidate at Fudan University, China. 

PANEL - 13: 

13:30 – 15:00

Chair: Yahia H. ZOUBIR Professor, Kedge School of Business, France.  

1. Defining the Enemy: China in the Arabic Literature and Videos of Sunni Jihadists - Nico Prucha, University of Vienna, Department of Near Eastern Studies, Austria.  
2. The Belt and Road Initiative and West Asia: Significance of Turkey-Iran Alliance - Beste Gul Oneren, Tsinghua University, China. 
3. The Changing of Conflict Nature in The Middle East: The New Security Empires - Hend Elmahly PhD candidate, Shanghai International Studies University, China. 
4. A Geopolitical-Economic Perspective into the BRICS’ Rise in Africa - Efe Can Gürcan, International Studies and Sociology Simon Fraser University, Canada.

COFFEE BREAK – 15:00 – 15-30

PANEL - 14: 

15:30 – 17:00

Chair: Rüdiger Lohlker, Professor Oriental Institute, University of Vienna, Austria.

1. The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI): Implications and Opportunities for the Middle East, Highlighting the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Case - CABA MARIA Flavius Ieronim, The National University of Political Science and Public Administration (NUPSPA), Bucharest, Romania.
2. A Question of Class? Algeria, India, and Beijing’s Visions of the Third World, 1953-1963 - Anton Harder Teaching Associate in Modern Chinese History at the University of Nottingham, UK.
3. The Changing Relationship Between China and Russia in the Middle East - Andrea Ghiselli, Fudan University, China.
4. Socio-Political Dispositions of Syrian Arab and Kurd Refugees Towards the Resettlement Places in Turkey: A Comparative Ethnographic Research - Baris Oktem, PhD Candidate, Exeter University, UK. (Skype Presentation)

PANEL - 15: 

15:30 – 17:00

Chair: Marc Owen Jones, Assistant Professor Middle East Studies Department Hamad bin Khalifa University, Doha, Qatar.

1. The Arab-Israeli Conflict among the UNSC and the Uniting for Peace of the UNGA - BASSEM KHALED ABDELSALAM ELMAGHRABY Political Science Lecturer Assistant, Suez Canal University, Egypt; and Ph.D. candidate at Jilin University, China.
2. Discursive Institutional Analysis of Hamas: Evolutionary Path from 1996 to 2017 - Shiyu Liu PhD Candidate, University of Warwick (UK).
3. Importance of Youth, Entrepreneurship and Innovation on the Road and Belt Initiative - Dogukan Tapu, Zhejiang University of Science and Technology, China.
4. Dominator or Organizer: The Management and Manipulation of the Islamic Marketplace - Chuchu Zhang, Associate Professor, School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Fudan University, China.