Infographic: 60 years of China-Iraq diplomatic ties

CGTN  2018-08-25

Although China and Iraq established diplomatic ties as early as 1958, due to frequent security instabilities of the latter, it was not until 2015 that the two sides started frequent cooperation on various fronts.  In December 2015, Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi traveled to China and met with Chinese President Xi Jinping, with strategic partnership between the two sides established.   The two sides agreed to strengthen high-level engagement, enhance strategic communication on bilateral ties and international and regional issues of common concern to increase consensus and consolidate strategic mutual trust.  President Xi vowed to push ties between the two a step further, under the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. According to Xi, China would assist Iraq's reconstruction in energy, electricity, communication and infrastructure.

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China's Military Base in Djibouti BY Mordechai Chaziza

THE BEGIN-SADAT CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES BAR-ILAN UNIVERSITY Mideast Security and Policy Studies No.  153

China’s Military Base in Djibouti Mordechai Chaziza E xEcutiv E  S ummary Following decades of non-intervention policy in the MENA region, China  is  now  establishing  a  permanent  military  base  in  Djibouti.  This  study   analyzes the motivation behind China's decision to establish a permanent  naval presence in Djibouti, and whether it reflects a fundamental change  in  its  non-interference  policy  in  the  MENA  region.  The  findings  show   that  geo-economic  interests  are  the  primary  consideration  in  China's   decision,  but  there  are  also  strategic  military  purposes.  China’s  non- interference policy in the MENA is evolving, and establishing a regional  military presence seems to be taking a further significant step, showing  a clear departure from its traditional interpretations of non-interference.  Consequently,  the  Djibouti  naval  base  may  be  just  the  beginning  of   China’s military expression of power in the MENA region.

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Saudi Aramco Could Still Sell a Stake—to China

By Nathaniel Taplin

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL - Aug. 23, 2018

It was a tale told by bankers, full of sound and fury, but apparently signifying nothing.  Oil giant Saudi Aramco’s potential $2 trillion initial public offering is shambling slowly off the stage. The government in Riyadh—responding to reports that the plan has been nixed—still insists it will go ahead “when conditions are optimum.” But it’s been clear for some time that preparations to sell about 5% of the company have, at best, lost steam.  Rebounding oil prices have reduced the urgency of Saudi Arabia’s drive to diversify its economy—raising cash for investments in newer sectors like tech was one major rationale for the IPO. The political and technical issues with an IPO of the world’s biggest oil producer were always formidable, beginning with where it would list. A New York IPO would risk possible 9/11 related lawsuits, while London faced having to compromise its free-float rules to accommodate Aramco.

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Arab states’ simple equation to solve Chinese investment dilemma

Afshin Molavi

ARAB NEWS - August 23, 2018

Relations between China and the Arab world are as simple as 1+2+3.   That’s the formulation conceived by Beijing two years ago in an official policy paper, with each number representing a different aspect of the relationship. The number 1 refers to the energy relationship, seen as a “core” aspect, while the number 2 refers to the two “wings” of infrastructure investment and the facilitation of trade, and the number 3 is a tripartite wish-list of “breakthroughs” of cooperation in the fields of clean energy, nuclear energy and satellite technology.

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Xinhua's Editor in Chief He Ping met with #Oman News Agency's Director in Beijing

何平会见阿曼新闻代表团  

2018年08月24日 20:52:14 来源： 新华网  

　　新华社北京8月24日电（记者王卓伦）新华社总编辑何平24日在北京会见由阿曼记协主席、阿曼通讯社社长穆罕默德·阿莱米率领的阿曼新闻代表团。
　　何平表示，今年恰逢中阿建交40周年，两国建立了战略伙伴关系，这为新华社与阿曼新闻界深化合作提供了重要契机。新华社与阿通社关系良好，2005年签署新闻交换谅解备忘录以来，双方合作得到进一步提升。希望两社继续拓展合作范围，特别是在“一带一路”框架内发挥民心相通的桥梁作用，增进两国人民的了解与友谊。
　　穆罕默德·阿莱米说，阿曼新闻界非常看重新华社的全球影响力，也从与新华社的合作中获益匪浅。希望阿通社与新华社继续加强业务交流和人员往来，为两国战略伙伴关系贡献新的力量。

http://www.xinhuanet.com/xhsld/2018-08/24/c_1123325713.htm

China’s Dangerous Ambitions in the Middle East

By Joel Sonkin

Algemeiner - August 7, 2018 

 The Trump administration’s National Security Strategy, released in December 2017, identified China and Russia as America’s greatest global competitors. The document asserted that it is these two “revisionist powers” who seek to “challenge American power” and “shape a world antithetical to US values.”  In its discussion of China, the strategy document zeroed in on Beijing’s ultimate goal of displacing the United States in the Indo-Pacific region and declaring East Asia its own sphere of influence. The key flashpoint for this competition has been the South China Sea, where Beijing has taken what were once small “maritime features” known as the Spratly Islands and created over 2,000 acres of land — or artificial islands — just off the coasts of the Philippines, Malaysia, and southern Vietnam.

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Bringing China to the Middle East in a big way

Jason Hayes REALTY BYTES/dubai

KHALEEJ TIMES - July 31, 2018

There are two things I have always loved about Dubai, even before I moved here. This is a city full of ambition, climbing one peak only so it can size up a taller one to ascend. It is also a city of incredible diversity. Almost every metropolis in the world is described as a 'melting pot', but nowhere can that be seen in greater evidence than in Dubai, and I don't mean that as a reference to the current weather. Occasionally, these two aspects of the city come together to form something truly unique. Such is the case with Emaar's plan to build the largest Chinatown district in the Middle East.  Needless to say, this is a fantastic way to welcome Chinese visitors to Dubai. And from a business perspective, it is a very sensible move. Within the last four years, there has been a growth of almost 120 per cent in the number of Chinese visitors to Dubai with a year-on-year increase of more than 40 per cent between 2016 and 2017.

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China’s power in the Middle East is rising

By Jonathan Fulton

The Washington Post - August 9  

Last month, Chinese President Xi Jinping made a three-day visit to the United Arab Emirates, his second Middle East trip, after visiting Saudi Arabia, Iran and Egypt in January 2016. The most significant outcome was the elevation of the bilateral relationship to a comprehensive strategic partnership, the highest level in China’s hierarchy of diplomatic relations. The visit indicates recognition in Beijing of the UAE’s role as a major actor in Middle Eastern affairs as well as the role it is expected to play in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

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Could China be the Middle East’s stabiliser-in-chief?

Arnab Neil Sengupta says as the Arab states seek to widen their circle of friends, China can enlarge its role in the Middle East if it views the region as more than an oil supplier and market for Chinese goods

SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST - Sunday, 26 August, 2018

Imagine there was an opening in the Middle East for a “stabiliser-in-chief” whose qualifications ran the gamut from impartial negotiator and deep-pocketed investor to generous aid-giver and geostrategic partner, nationality no bar.Could China land the job, outbidding such rivals as the US, Canada, Russia, Turkey and France?  What could work in China’s favour is President Xi Jinping and his government’s approach to the Arab world, in all its complexity.  Does Beijing intend to treat the countries of the Middle East and North Africa as suppliers of oil and natural gas, buyers of Chinese goods and providers of lucrative business opportunities? Or will China engage with the Arab world just the way it is – a region with pockets of conflict alternating with oases of prosperity, but whose development potential lies largely untapped, waiting for a global power driven by something bigger than pure self-interest?

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Oil rises as China demand resumes, signs that Iran supply curbed

Jessica Resnick-Ault

REUTERS - August 24, 2018

NEW YORK (Reuters) - Oil prices gained more than 1 percent on Friday, ending a run of weekly declines on signs that Iran sanctions may limit global supply and that a trade war may not curb China’s appetite for U.S. crude. Brent crude oil LCOc1 settled up $1.09 a barrel, or 1.5 percent, at $75.82 a barrel. U.S. crude CLc1 was up 89 cents, or 1.3 percent, at $68.72.  U.S. crude rose more than 4 percent on the week, after seven consecutive declines, and Brent rose 5.3 percent after three weeks of falling prices. 

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Center for Global Governance at Shanghai University

Center for Global Governance

Shanghai University

2018-19

In a world in which all problems are global, there is no way countries can handle issues by themselves; we need global responses.

António Guterres, UN Secretary-General

Founded and Affiliation

Established under the College of Liberal Arts and Institute for Global Studies at Shanghai University in 2018.

  

Location

East Campus – 4^th Floor, Graduate School, Shanghai University

Objectives

Since the beginning of the 20th century, we see the increasing trend of social, political, and economic connectedness among people, states, social movements, and parties in a process of transformation that can be called globalization. According to many scholars and policy makers, this is a result of new technological innovations, such as car manufacturing through assembly lines in the early 20th century, internet and IT revolution in the 1990s, and emergence of global commodity chains. However, we see negative trends in the global political economy related with economic inequality, poverty, climate change, wars, ethnic and religious conflicts, corruption, and many other issues. The world is changing; so is global governance, as a result of political economy. Most of the global institutions and international organizations were established under the conditions of WWI, WWII, and the Cold War era. Today we have a different world and we need to have a post-Cold War era of global governance and institutions that will be beneficial to peace, security, and economic equality.

This new center is intended to bring together scholars to exchange ideas of global governance and political economy. We organize seminars, workshops, and conferences; invite visiting scholars for a semester or a year; publish academic articles, books, and newsletters; support MA theses and PhD dissertations; and collaborate with other academic centers on global governance and political economy.

We welcome new ideas and different perspectives, because we are all different and coming from diverse ethnic, religious, social, political, and economic backgrounds. But we have to live together in this world with peace and security; therefore, global governance is an important aspect or milestone for a better world. However, in the last two decades, global governance has been in crisis to deal with certain social, political, and economic problems. As a result, we see a widening gap between rich and poor in the global south as well as in the industrialized countries, with chaotic urbanization, infrastructure problems, terrorism, ethnic and religious conflicts, climate change, clean drinking water issues, migration, and many other problems that we are facing today. Therefore, we believe that communication among scholars is a vital element to create a theoretical and practical paradigm for a more manageable world and eliminate miscommunication among institutions, people, and states in the global era.    

Projects:

Publications:

Events:

Conferences:

Courses:

Visiting Scholars:

Study Abroad to Middle East: (Turkey, Qatar, Israel, Iran, Egypt)

Advisory Board:

Professor Guo Changgang, Shanghai University, China

Professor William Robinson, University of California, SantaBarbara, USA

Professor Yang Guang, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences andShanghai University, China

Professor Hasan Ali Karasar, Cappadocia University, Turkey

Professor Merthan Dundar, Ankara University, Turkey

Professor David Fasenfest, Wayne State University-USA andShanghai University, China.  

Associate Professor Mojtaba Mahdavi, University of Alberta,Canada. 

Professor Guenter Meyer, Director of the Centre for Researchon the Arab World (CERAW), University of Mainz, Germany 

Professor Seriye Sezen, Public Administration Institute for Turkey and Middle East, Turkey

ProfessorOnwubiko Agozino, Virginia Tech University, USA 

Professor Mehran Kamrava Georgetown University in Qatar,Qatar 

ProfessorTim Luke, Virginia Tech University, USA

Professor Ajay Patnaik, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India

Assistant Professor Gokhan Bozbas, Necmettin Erbakan University 

Assistant Professor Osamah Khalil, The Maxwell School ofCitizenship and Public Affairs is Syracuse University

Professor Joel Peters, Director SPIA, Virginia Tech University, USA 

Professor Gerard Toal, VirginiaTech University, USA

Academic Team:

Professor Tugrul Keskin

Professor Zeng Guie 

Professor Tang Qingye

Professor Jiang Shixue / 江时学  

Assistant Professor Rajiv Ranjan

Assistant Professor Yang Chen 

Research Assistants:

David Perez, Graduate Student (PhD), Canada

Esra Sarioglu, Graduate Student (PhD), Turkey 

Beril Yolaçan, Graduate Student (PhD), Turkey 

Selim Han Yeniacun, Graduate Student (PhD), Turkey 

Cengiz Mert Bulut, Graduate Student (PhD), Turkey 

Abdurrahim Sagir, Graduate Student (MA), Turkey

Andrew Alexander, Graduate Student (MA), USA 

Loeun Chhany, Gradaute Student (MA), Cambodia

Olga Goryunova, Graduate Student (MA), Cyprus 

Miras Tolepbergen, Graduate Student (MA), Kazahsktan 

Tatiana Matias, Graduate Student (MA), Portugal 

Ibrahim Uzgur, Graduate Student (MA), Turkey

Asmaa Abusamak Graduate Student (MA), Egypt 

Editor:

Sabrina Rood 

Similar Other Academic Centers and Universities

1.     The Graduate Institute, Geneva ‒ Global Governance Centre http://graduateinstitute.ch/en/internationalgovernance

2.     Center for Mediterranean Studies – Pekin University

http://www.cmas.pku.edu.cn/

3.     Northwest University of Political Science and Law

http://www.nwupl.edu.cn/

4.     Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies ‒ KU Leuven https://ghum.kuleuven.be/ggs

5.     Center on Global Governance ‒ Columbia Law School http://www.law.columbia.edu/global-governance

6.     The Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Centre for Global Governance http://www.nupi.no/en/About-NUPI/Projects-centres-and-programmes/Centre-for-Global-Governance

7.     The Center for Global Governance, Reporting, and Regulation, Pace University http://www.pace.edu/lubin/departments-and-research-centers/center-for-global-governance-reporting-and-regulation

8.     Center for Governance and Sustainability, University of Massachusetts Boston https://www.umb.edu/cgs

9.     Waseda Institute for Global Governance https://www.waseda.jp/inst/oris/other-en/2015/10/16/658/

10.  Centre for Global Security and Governance ‒ The University of Aberdeen https://www.abdn.ac.uk/global-security/

11.  GIA ‒ School of Public and International Affairs ‒ Virginia Tech https://www.spia.vt.edu/gia/

12.  The Virginia Tech Institute for Policy and Governance

http://www.ipg.vt.edu/

Possible Collaboration with Global Think-Tanks

1.     Chinese Academy of Social Science, China http://casseng.cssn.cn/

2.     Shanghai Academy of Social Science, China http://english.sass.org.cn:8001/index.jhtml

3.     Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Qatar https://www.dohainstitute.edu.qa/en/Pages/default.aspx

4.     Brookings, USA https://www.brookings.edu/

5.     Center for Strategic and International Studies, USA https://www.csis.org/

6.     Institute for Governance, Policies and Politics (IGPP), New Delhi, India

A Short-Term Visiting Scholarship:

1.     Ataturk Modern Turkish Studies Fellowship: September 1‒December 31, 2018 (Article publishing is required for this fellowship during your visit)

2.     Walter Rodney Modern African Studies Fellowship: December 1, 2018‒March 31, 2019 (Article publishing is required for this fellowship during your visit)

3.     Edward Said Modern Middle East Studies Fellowship: March 1‒June 30, 2019 (Article publishing is required for this fellowship during your visit)

4.     Gabriel Garcia Marquez Modern Latin and Central American Studies Fellowship (Collaboration with Latin American Studies Center at Shanghai University)

5.     Zhou Enlai Global Governance and Political Economy Fellowship: September 1, 2018‒May 31, 2019 (Book publishing is required for this fellowship)

Required:

1. Curriculum Vitae/Resume
2. Letters of recommendation/Names of two scholars 
3. Letter of intent with:
1. Dates/length of stay – Visiting schedule:
1. Ataturk Modern Turkish Studies Fellowship: September 1‒December 31, 2018
2. Walter Rodney Modern African Studies Fellowship: December 1, 2018‒March 31, 2019
3. Edward Said Modern Middle East Studies Fellowship: March 1‒June 30, 2019
4. Gabriel Garcia Marquez Modern Latin and Central American Studies Fellowship (Collaboration with Latin American Studies Center at Shanghai University)
5. Chen Yun and Zhou Enlai Global Governance and Political Economy Fellowship: September 1, 2018‒May 31, 2019
2. Research proposal topic (Purpose of visit) 500-800 words. Your research must be related with global governance and political economy. 
3. Expected results/your publication and lecture during your stay in Shanghai University.
4. Visitors are expected to contribute to local academic life of Shanghai University. 
5. If you would like to teach, please send us a proposed course syllabus. 
6. Visitors must acknowledge Shanghai University support in any publications prepared during their visit in whole or in part.
7. Visiting scholars are individuals who possess a Ph.D. in History, International Relations, Sociology, Political Science, or International/Global Studies.

Please email your application to tugrulkeskin@t.shu.edu.cn

China Studies Group at Shanghai University

1.     Tugrul Keskin, Professor, Shanghai University

2.     Professor Jiang Shixue / 江时学 China  

3.     Ian Nelson, Assistant Professor, The University of Nottingham, Ningbo

4.     Rajiv Ranjan, Assistant Professor, Shanghai University

5.     Yang Chen, Assistant Professor, Shanghai University

6.     Ivan Willis Rasmussen, Assistant Professor, New York University-Shanghai 

7.     Andrea Ghiselli, Fellow, Fudan University

8.     David Perez, Graduate Student (PhD)

9.     Esra Sarioglu, Graduate Student (PhD)

10.  Beril Yolaçan, Graduate Student (PhD)

11.  Selim Han Yeniacun, Graduate Student (PhD)

12.  Cengiz Mert Bulut, Graduate Student (PhD)

13.  Abdurrahim Sagir, Graduate Student (MA)

14.  Andrew Alexander, Graduate Student (MA)

15.  Olga Goryunova, Graduate Student (MA)

16.  Miras Tolepbergen, Graduate Student (MA)

17.  Tatiana Matias, Graduate Student (MA)

18.  Ibrahim Uzgur, Graduate Student (MA)

Pan Zhiping | "East Turkistan Republic": A Critical Assessment

潘志平 | “东突厥斯坦共和国”：一个批判性的评估

Pan Zhiping | "East Turkistan Republic": A Critical Assessment

潘志平 新保守主义  昨天

【摘要】1944年新疆伊犁发生暴动，建“东突厥斯坦共和国”。伊犁暴动，发生在一个特别的地域，即深受伊斯兰教影响且与苏联相毗邻的地区，发生在一个特别的时代，即民族主义、社会主义和伊斯兰主义风起云涌的时代。因此，这场暴动与苏联及本地的宗教势力存在着复杂的互动，集中表现在苏联暗地支持下的有宗教色彩的“绿色革命”，但本质上，这场暴动属于旨在分裂中国的民族主义运动范畴。“东突厥斯坦”思想源自泛突厥主义、泛伊斯兰主义（“双泛”），而作为“双泛”之纽带，“扎基德”运动在其中起着至关重要的作用。尽管直至1908年以前新疆还没有“东突厥斯坦”的概念，但民族主义者开始积极从国外引入“东突厥斯坦”概念和思想，并通过想象构建自己的突厥“nation”，而将中国视之为与自己完全无关的“汉人”（خىتاي ）国家。民国以来，中华国民国家和国民意识一定程度的迷失，为这个“共和国”和“东突厥斯坦”运动的滋生提供契机。

https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/eFgrUQfkLugkWqJd5A6RNQ

Look at China-Turkey ties objectively

Global Times 2018/8/20

http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1116209.shtml#.W3r4SUJYl0Q

Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi told Turkey's Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu in a phone call on Saturday that China supports the Turkish government's efforts to safeguard security and economic stability, adding that Beijing remains ready to protect developing countries and the legitimate rights of rising economies. Cavusoglu said Turkey is ready to strengthen strategic dialogue with China and deepen cooperation with Beijing based on mutual interests.

The raging dispute between Ankara and Washington shows no sign of easing. A growing number of analysts believe the gulf between them is hard to bridge. An all-round diplomacy will turn into Turkey's focus.

As an influential Middle East power, the strategic adjustment of Turkey's diplomacy will impact the globe. Judging from the phone call between Wang and Cavusoglu, Beijing responded positively to Ankara's wish to strengthen strategic communication. China and Turkey have new opportunities to deepen cooperation, especially with respect to the Belt and Road initiative. 

However, it has been noticed that Chinese public opinion has not fully kept up with changes in the Middle East. Some people still hold on to their previous understanding of Turkey and Sino-Turkish ties. They advocated that vigilance against Ankara should override the adjustment of ties amid changes and China should respond indifferently to Turkey's hand of friendship. 

They believe that among all the Middle East countries, Turkey has caused China the most trouble during the last 50 years. Ankara sent its Turkish Brigade to fight alongside the US in the Korean War, hauled the aircraft carrier Varyag through the Bosphorus Straits, and was inconsistent in buying China's HQ-9 missile. It was playing tricks with China.

What's most unacceptable is that Turkey was adding fuel to the Xinjiang question. Some elements in Turkey encouraged separatist sentiment, helped some radicals from Xinjiang illicitly enter the Middle East, and made irresponsible remarks on the ethnic policy in Xinjiang.

China-Turkey relations used to be complicated, but it shouldn't prevent the two countries from expanding strategic communication and cooperation. There is no contradiction between the two countries that can't be resolved. After Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan visited China in 2015, Turkey actively promoted relations with China. The two countries' cooperation left behind disputes. China-Turkey relations are changing for the better.

China shouldn't regard Turkey too simply. China needs the pragmatic vision that accords with China's strength and mission. Turkey has both positive and negative effects on China's national interests and we need to seek advantages and avoid disadvantages.

Turkey may be one of China's strategic partners, while it can play a negative role in the Xinjiang issue. Shaping Turkey as China's strategic partner can prevent Ankara from intervening in Xinjiang. An active policy toward Turkey should be reciprocal.

China and Turkey have no major disputes. Pan-Turkism can't survive in Turkey today. Turkey is facing realistic challenges, some of which are shared by China as well. Beijing should try to be partners with Ankara, as it is a beneficial choice.

Developing a friendly relationship is reciprocal in strategy and economy, but it doesn't mean providing substantial aid to Turkey, which is the largest economy in the Middle East. European countries used to be Turkey's major trade partners, leaving China much space in strengthening economic cooperation with it.

If Chinese society understands this well, public opinion will be more beneficial to the country's communication with Turkey, and will promote the two countries' development and cooperation.

The article is an editorial of the Global Times Monday. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn