Thursday, January 25, 2018
China and the Middle East (WEEK -10 Thursday February 1): Quiz-3, Readings, Newspaper articles, and Documentaries
For the next week, (Week 10) you should read the following articles before the class:
NORTH AFRICA
Muhamad S. Olimat. China and North Africa since World War II: A Bilateral Approach
- Chapter One: China and North Africa: An Overview
- Chapter Four: China and Libya
- Chapter Six: China and Morocco
- Chapter Ten: China and Tunisia
- Chapter Eleven: Prospectus and Conclusions
Documentaries:
- Roundtable: China-Africa relations - who benefits? TRT Worldhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J6LnZs9x-Kc
- How is Africa positioned in China’s global strategy? CTGNhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DeypBc94Un8
This week, we will have four presentations on Thursday. YOU SHOULD PREPARE POWER POINTS and EMAIL IT TO ME A DAY BEFORE THE CLASS.
MIRAS TOLEPBERGEN
- Sean Foley. Seek Knowledge Even If It Takes You to China (Via Washington) Saudi Arabia and China in the Twenty-First Century. Sociology of Islam 4 (2016) 166-188.
- Geoffrey F. Gresh. The Gulf Looks East Sino-Arab Relations in an Age of Instability. Sociology of Islam 4 (2016) 149-165
SAIF MUSAWA
- China and Yemen’s Forgotten War
- Localizing Chinese migrants in Africa: A study of the Chinese in Libya before the Civil War Jie Wang
SOEUNG SEYHAK
- Chapter Four: China and Libya
- Chapter Six: China and Morocco
IBRAHIM UZGUR
- Chapter Ten: China and Tunisia
- Chapter Eleven: Prospectus and Conclusions
NEWSPAPER ARTICLE PRESENTATION: Please bring RECENT newspaper articles. Articles SHOULD BE related with China and North Africa and Maghreb. Other subjects will not be accepted. PLEASE VERY BRIEFLY SUMMARIZE YOUR ARTICLE IN THE CLASS!
I need a print copy (First page) of your article, and please include your full name on it.
I need a print copy (First page) of your article, and please include your full name on it.
QUIZ – 4 (You will take the quiz-4 on Thursday March 8 - 101 Graduate School, East Campus, 13:00 - 13:30) and the quiz covers the following chapters:
- Degang Sun & Yahia H. Zoubir. China's Economic Diplomacy towards the Arab Countries: challenges ahead? Journal of Contemporary China, 2015 Vol. 24, No. 95, 903–921,
- YAO Kuangyi1. China-Arab States Cooperation Forum in the Last Decade. Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (in Asia) Vol. 8, No. 4, 2014.
- Degang Sun a & Yahia Zoubir. China's Response to the Revolts in the Arab World: A Case of Pragmatic Diplomacy. Mediterranean Politics, 2013..
- Sean Foley. Seek Knowledge Even If It Takes You to China (Via Washington) Saudi Arabia and China in the Twenty-First Century. Sociology of Islam 4 (2016) 166-188.
- Geoffrey F. Gresh. The Gulf Looks East Sino-Arab Relations in an Age of Instability. Sociology of Islam 4 (2016) 149-165
- Manochehr Dorraj and James English. The Dragon Nests: China’s Energy Engagement of the Middle East. CHINA REPORT 49: 1 (2013): 43–67
- Muhamad S. Olimat. China and North Africa since World War II: A Bilateral Approach
- Chapter One: China and North Africa: An Overview
- Chapter Two: China and Algeria
- Chapter Three: China and Egypt
- Chapter Four: China and Libya
- Chapter Six: China and Morocco
- Chapter Ten: China and Tunisia
- Chapter Eleven: Prospectus and Conclusions
QUIZ-3: You will take your third quiz on Thursday February 1st and the quiz covers the following chapters:
- YORAM EVRON. Israel’s Response to China’s Rise A Dependent State’s Dilemma. Asian Survey, Vol. 56, Number 2, pp. 392–414. 2016.
- Yiyi Chen. China’s Relationship with Israel, Opportunities and Challenges: Perspectives from China. Israel Studies, volume 17 number 3.
- Aron Shai. China and Israel Relations and Future Prospects. ASPJ Africa & Francophonie - 2nd Quarter 2014.
- Yoram Evron. China’s diplomatic initiatives in the Middle East: the quest for a great-power role in the region. International Relations 2017, Vol. 31(2) 125–144.
- Sino-Turkish Strategic Economic Relationship in New Era by Zhiqiang Zou.
- Altay Atli. Turkey’s Foreign Policy Toward China: Analysis and Recommendations for Improvement. Global Relations Forum Young Academics Program Policy Paper Series No.3. http://www.gif.org.tr/Documents/YAc%20Makaleleri/turkeys-foreign-policy-towards-china-analysis-and-recommendations-for-improvement-dr-altay-atli.pdf
- John W. Garver. China and Iran: An Emerging Partnership Post- Sanctions. MEI Policy Focus 2016-3.
- China and Iran: Economic, political, and Military relations. Scott Harold and Alireza Nader. RAND, 2012.
If you have any questions or concerns, please do not hesitate to contact me.
Best to all,
Tugrul Keskin
China and the Middle East (WEEK -9 Friday January 26 9:00-12:00): Quiz -3, Readings, Newspaper articles, and Documentaries
Dear
all,
For the
next week, (Week 9) you should read the following articles before the class:
GCC
· China in Middle
East: Shifting Role and Interests By PAN Guang.
· Sean Foley. Seek Knowledge Even If It Takes You to China
(Via Washington) Saudi Arabia and China in the Twenty-First Century.
Sociology of Islam 4 (2016) 166-188.
· Geoffrey F. Gresh.
The Gulf Looks East Sino-Arab Relations
in an Age of Instability. Sociology of Islam 4 (2016) 149-165
· Manochehr Dorraj
and James English. The Dragon Nests: China’s Energy Engagement of the Middle
East. CHINA REPORT 49: 1 (2013): 43–67
Documentaries:
· IISS
- Mahmood Abdulla: The Past, Present, and Future for GCC Investment in China https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A6P6o9jnrl8
IISS - A New Era of GCC Geo-Economic Opportunity with China and India
IISS - A New Era of GCC Geo-Economic Opportunity with China and India
This week, we will have five (5)
presentations. YOU SHOULD PREPARE POWER POINTS and EMAIL IT TO ME A DAY
BEFORE THE CLASS.
LOEUN CHHANY
·
John W. Garver. China and Iran: An Emerging Partnership Post- Sanctions. MEI Policy
Focus 2016-3.
·
Mohiaddin Mesbahi and Mohammad Homayounvash. China and the International
Non-Proliferation Regime: The Case of Iran. Sociology of Islam 4 (2016)
73-92
TATIANA GONCALVES MATIAS
·
China and Iran: Economic, political, and
Military relations
Scott Harold and Alireza Nader. RAND, 2012.
VOEURN VINICHHAI
· YAO Kuangyi1. China-Arab States Cooperation Forum in the
Last Decade. Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (in Asia) Vol.
8, No. 4, 2014.
· Guy Burton. Explaining Beijing’s Shift from Active to
Passive Engagement in Relation to the Arab-Israeli Conflict. Sociology of
Islam 4 (2016) 93-112.
MIRAS TOLEPBERGEN
· Sean Foley. Seek Knowledge Even If It Takes You to China
(Via Washington) Saudi Arabia and China in the Twenty-First Century. Sociology
of Islam 4 (2016) 166-188.
· Geoffrey F. Gresh.
The Gulf Looks East Sino-Arab Relations
in an Age of Instability. Sociology of Islam 4 (2016) 149-165
JESSICA GARCIA
· Manochehr Dorraj and James English. The Dragon Nests:
China’s Energy Engagement of the Middle East. CHINA REPORT 49: 1 (2013): 43–67
· China in Middle East: Shifting Role and Interests By
PAN Guang.
NEWSPAPER
ARTICLE PRESENTATION: Please bring RECENT newspaper articles. Articles SHOULD
BE related with China and GCC. Other subjects will not be
accepted. PLEASE VERY BRIEFLY SUMMARIZE YOUR ARTICLE IN THE CLASS!
I need a print copy (First page) of your article, and please include your full name on it.
I need a print copy (First page) of your article, and please include your full name on it.
QUIZ-3: You
will take your second quiz on Thursday
February 1st and the quiz covers the following chapters:
·
YORAM EVRON. Israel’s Response to China’s Rise A
Dependent State’s Dilemma. Asian Survey, Vol. 56, Number 2, pp. 392–414. 2016.
·
Yiyi Chen. China’s
Relationship with Israel, Opportunities and Challenges: Perspectives from China.
Israel Studies, volume 17 number 3.
·
Aron Shai. China and Israel Relations and Future
Prospects. ASPJ Africa & Francophonie - 2nd Quarter 2014.
·
Yoram
Evron. China’s diplomatic initiatives in the Middle East: the quest for a
great-power role in the region. International Relations 2017, Vol. 31(2)
125–144.
· Sino-Turkish
Strategic Economic Relationship in New Era by Zhiqiang Zou.
·
Altay
Atli. Turkey’s Foreign Policy Toward China: Analysis and Recommendations for
Improvement. Global Relations Forum Young Academics Program Policy Paper Series
No.3. http://www.gif.org.tr/Documents/YAc%20Makaleleri/turkeys-foreign-policy-towards-china-analysis-and-recommendations-for-improvement-dr-altay-atli.pdf
·
John W. Garver. China and Iran: An Emerging Partnership Post- Sanctions. MEI Policy
Focus 2016-3.
·
China and Iran: Economic, political, and
Military relations. Scott Harold and Alireza Nader. RAND, 2012.
If you have any questions or concerns, please do not hesitate to contact me.
Best to all,
Tugrul Keskin
Monday, January 22, 2018
Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China By Ezra F. Vogel
Harvard University Press, 2013
http://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674725867
Perhaps no one in the twentieth century had a greater long-term
impact on world history than Deng Xiaoping. And no scholar of
contemporary East Asian history and culture is better qualified than Ezra Vogel to disentangle the many contradictions embodied in the life and legacy of China’s boldest strategist.
Once described by Mao Zedong as a “needle inside a ball of cotton,” Deng was the pragmatic yet disciplined driving force behind China’s radical transformation in the late twentieth century. He confronted the damage wrought by the Cultural Revolution, dissolved Mao’s cult of personality, and loosened the economic and social policies that had stunted China’s growth. Obsessed with modernization and technology, Deng opened trade relations with the West, which lifted hundreds of millions of his countrymen out of poverty. Yet at the same time he answered to his authoritarian roots, most notably when he ordered the crackdown in June 1989 at Tiananmen Square.
Deng’s youthful commitment to the Communist Party was cemented in Paris in the early 1920s, among a group of Chinese student-workers that also included Zhou Enlai. Deng returned home in 1927 to join the Chinese Revolution on the ground floor. In the fifty years of his tumultuous rise to power, he endured accusations, purges, and even exile before becoming China’s preeminent leader from 1978 to 1989 and again in 1992. When he reached the top, Deng saw an opportunity to creatively destroy much of the economic system he had helped build for five decades as a loyal follower of Mao—and he did not hesitate.
TABLE OF CONTENTS:
http://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674725867
Once described by Mao Zedong as a “needle inside a ball of cotton,” Deng was the pragmatic yet disciplined driving force behind China’s radical transformation in the late twentieth century. He confronted the damage wrought by the Cultural Revolution, dissolved Mao’s cult of personality, and loosened the economic and social policies that had stunted China’s growth. Obsessed with modernization and technology, Deng opened trade relations with the West, which lifted hundreds of millions of his countrymen out of poverty. Yet at the same time he answered to his authoritarian roots, most notably when he ordered the crackdown in June 1989 at Tiananmen Square.
Deng’s youthful commitment to the Communist Party was cemented in Paris in the early 1920s, among a group of Chinese student-workers that also included Zhou Enlai. Deng returned home in 1927 to join the Chinese Revolution on the ground floor. In the fifty years of his tumultuous rise to power, he endured accusations, purges, and even exile before becoming China’s preeminent leader from 1978 to 1989 and again in 1992. When he reached the top, Deng saw an opportunity to creatively destroy much of the economic system he had helped build for five decades as a loyal follower of Mao—and he did not hesitate.
TABLE OF CONTENTS:
- Map: China in the 1980s
- Preface: In Search of Deng
- Introduction: The Man and His Mission
- Deng’s Background
- 1. From Revolutionary to Builder to Reformer, 1904–1969
- Deng’s Tortuous Road to the Top, 1969–1977
- 2. Banishment and Return, 1969–1974
- 3. Bringing Order under Mao, 1974–1975
- 4. Looking Forward under Mao, 1975
- 5. Sidelined as the Mao Era Ends, 1976
- 6. Return under Hua, 1977–1978
- Creating the Deng Era, 1978–1980
- 7. Three Turning Points, 1978
- 8. Setting the Limits of Freedom, 1978–1979
- 9. The Soviet-Vietnamese Threat, 1978–1979
- 10. Opening to Japan, 1978
- 11. Opening to the United States, 1978–1979
- 12. Launching the Deng Administration, 1979–1980
- The Deng Era, 1978–1989
- 13. Deng’s Art of Governing
- 14. Experiments in Guangdong and Fujian, 1979–1984
- 15. Economic Readjustment and Rural Reform, 1978–1982
- 16. Accelerating Economic Growth and Opening, 1982–1989
- 17. One Country, Two Systems: Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Tibet
- 18. The Military: Preparing for Modernization
- 19. The Ebb and Flow of Politics
- Challenges to the Deng Era, 1989–1992
- 20. Beijing Spring, April 15–May 17, 1989
- 21. The Tiananmen Tragedy, May 17–June 4, 1989
- 22. Standing Firm, 1989–1992
- 23. Deng’s Finale: The Southern Journey, 1992
- Deng’s Place in History
24. China Transformed - Key People in the Deng Era
- Chinese Communist Party Congresses and Plenums, 1956–1992
Chen Yun: his life By Ezra F. Vogel
Chen
Yun, one year younger than Deng Xiaoping, was born 100 years ago. For
several decades beginning in 1931 when he joined the Central Committee
at 26, he was ranked higher in the Party than Deng. Although known as an
‘economist’, Chen played a much broader role, in organization work,
high-level Party discipline, urban administration, and basic Party
policy. He was the key person to link China and Russia following the
Zunyi Conference. He was head of the Organization Department from 1937
to 1943. He pioneered the liberation of urban areas as the leader in
Harbin and later in Shenyang. He led the fight to get inflation under
control during 1949–1952 and led the organization of the first five year
plan. He was one of the most vocal against the leap forward and one of
the most instrumental in guiding readjustment afterwards. On many
occasions he withdrew from leadership and nourished his health. After
1978, he was the only person who spoke to Deng as an equal. Chen Yun was
cautious, believing that progress would come from steady small steps
rather than wild leaps. He believed in markets, but felt they should be
bounded by plans and in 1978–1981 he helped guide the retrenchment
policy that put the economy on a solid base before it began rapid
growth.
http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10670560500206827?scroll=top&needAccess=true
http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10670560500206827?scroll=top&needAccess=true
CHOU EN-LAI SPEECH AT BANDUNG CONFERENCE
April 19, 1955
Main Speech by Premier CHOU EN-LAI - Zhou Enlai, Head
of the Delegation of the People's Republic of China, presented at the Bandung
Conference
(April
19, 1955)
Mr. Chairman and Fellow Delegates:
The Asian-African Conference on which the
whole world is focusing its attention has
begun its session. The Delegation of the
People's Republic of China deems it a great pleasure to be able to discuss the
common problems of our Asian and African countries at this Conference with the
delegations of the other participating countries. We must first of all thank
the five sponsoring countries, Burma, Ceylon, India, Indonesia and Pakistan,
whose initiative and efforts have made it possible for us to meet here. We should
also thank the host of this Conference, the Government of the Republic of
Indonesia, for the excellent arrangements it has made for the Conference.
It is the first time in history that so
many countries of Asia and Africa have gathered together to hold a conference.
On these two continents live more than half of the world population. The
peoples of Asia and Africa created brilliant ancient civilizations and made
tremendous contributions to mankind. But, ever since modern times most of the
countries of Asia and Africa in varying degrees have been subjected to colonial
plunder and oppression, and have thus been forced to remain in a stagnant state
of poverty and backwardness. Our voices have been suppressed, our aspirations
shattered, and our destiny placed in the hands of others. Thus, we have no
choice but to rise against colonialism. Suffering from the same cause and
struggling for the same aim, we the Asian and African peoples have found it
easier to understand each other and have long had deep sympathy and concern for
one another. Now the face of the Asian-African region has undergone a radical
change. More and more countries have cast off or are casting off the shackles
of colonialism. The colonial powers can no longer use the methods of the past to
continue their plunder and oppression. The Asia and Africa of today are no
longer the Asia and Africa of yesterday. Many countries of this region have
taken their destiny into their own hands after long years of endeavours. Our
Conference itself reflects this profound historical change.
However, the rule of colonialism in this
region has not yet come to an end, and new colonialists are attempting take the
place of the old ones. Not a few of the Asian and African peoples are still
leading a life of colonial slavery. Not a few of the Asian and African peoples
are still subjected to racial discrimination and deprived of human rights. The
courses which we peoples of the Asian and African countries have taken in
striving for freedom and independence may vary, but our will to win and
preserve our freedom and independence is the same. However different the
specific conditions in each of our countries may be, it is equally necessary
for most of us to eliminate the state of backwardness caused by the rule of
colonialism. We need to develop our countries independently with no outside
interference and in accordance with the will of the people.
The peoples of Asia and Africa have long
suffered from aggression and war. Many of them have been forced by the
colonialists to serve as cannon fodder in aggressive wars. Therefore, the
peoples of these two continents can have nothing but strong detestation of
aggressive war. They know that new threats of war will not only endanger the
independent development of their countries, but also intensify the enslavement
by colonialism. That is why the Asian and African peoples all the more hold
dear world peace and national independence.
In view of the foregoing, the common
desire of the peoples of the Asian and African countries cannot be anything
other than to safeguard world peace, to win and to preserve national
independence and accordingly to promote friendly co-operation among nations.
Following the armistice in Korea, the
Geneva Conference brought about a cease-fire in Indo-China on the basis of
respect for the right to national independence and with the support of the
Conference of the five Colombo powers. As a result, international tension did
somewhat relax at that time and fresh hopes were brought to the people of the
whole world, and particularly to those of Asia. However, the subsequent
development of the international situation runs counter to
the hopes of the people. Both in the East
and in the West the danger of war is increasing. The desire of the Korean and
German peoples for peaceful unification is being frustrated. The agreements on
the restoration of peace in Indo-China reached at the Geneva Conference are
endangered. The United States continues to create tension in the Taiwan a rea.
Countries outside of Asia and Africa are establishing more and more military
bases in the Asian and African countries. They are clamouring openly that
atomic weapons are conventional arms and are making preparations for an atomic
war. The people of Asia s hall never forget that the first atomic bomb exploded
on Asian soil and that the first man to die from the experimental explosion of
the hydrogen bomb was an Asian. The peoples of Asia and Africa, like those in
other parts of the world, cannot be indifferent to the ever-increasing threat of
war.
However, those who are committing
aggression and making p1·eparntions for war are after all extremely, few, while
the overwhelming majority of the people throughout the world, regardless of
what social system they live under, want peace and are opposed to war. The
peace movement of the people in different countries has become more extensive
and intensive. They demand the end of the armament race and preparations for
war. They demand that first of all the big powers should reach agreement on the
reduction of armaments. They demand the prohibition of atomic weapons and all
other weapons of mass destruction. They demand that atomic energy be used for
peaceful purposes in order to bring welfare to mankind. Their voices can no
longer be ignored. The policy of aggression and war is becoming more and more
repugnant to the people. The plotters of war are resorting ever more frequently
to threats of war as an instrument of their aggressive policy. However, threats
of war can frighten into submission no one who is determined to resist. They
can only place the threat-makers in a more isolated and confused position. We
believe that if only we are determined to preserve peace together with all the
peace-loving nations and peoples of the world, peace c a n be preserved.
The majority of our Asian and African
countries, including China, are still very backward economically owing to the
long period of colonial domination. That is why we demand not only political
independence but economic independence as well. Of course, our demand for
political independence does not mean a policy of exclusion towards countries
outside of the Asian-African region. However, the days when the Western powers
controlled our destiny are already past. The destiny of Asian and African
countries should be taken into the hands of the peoples themselves. We strive
to realize our own economic independence; nor does that mean the rejection of
economic co-operation with any country outside of the Asian-African region.
However, we want to do away with the exploitation of backward countries in the
East by the colonial powers in the West and to develop the independent and
sovereign economy of our own countries. Complete independence is an objective
for which the great majority of Asian and African countries have to struggle
for a long time.
In China, ever since the people became
masters of their own country, all their efforts have been directed to the
elimination of backwardness left behind by the prolonged semi-colonial society
and the building of their country into an industrialized one. In the last five
years we have rehabilitated the national economy ruined by long years of war,
and have since 1953 started the First Five-Year Plan of economic construction.
As a result of these efforts, production in all the main fields, such as iron
and steel, cotton cloth and grains, have exceeded the level of any period in
the history of China. But these achievements are still very small as compared
with our actual needs. Our country is still very backward as compared with the
highly industrialized ones. Like other countries in Asia and Africa, we are in
urgent need of a peaceful international environment for the development of our
independent and sovereign economy.
The Asian and African countries, opposing
colonialism and defending national independence, treasure all the more their
own national rights. Countries whether big or small, strong or weak, should all
enjoy equal rights in international relations. Their territorial integrity and
sovereignty should be respected and not violated. The people of all dependent
countries should enjoy the right of national self-determination, and should not
be subjected to persecution and slaughter. People irrespective of race or
colour should all enjoy the fundamental human rights and
not be subjected to any maltreatment and
discrimination. However, we cannot help being aware that the peoples of
Tunisia, Morocco, Algeria and other dependent peoples who have been fighting
for independence have never ceased to be suppressed with violence. Racial
discrimination and persecution under racialism in the Union of South Africa and
other places have not yet been curbed. The problem of Arab refugees of
Palestine still remains to be solved.
One should say that now the common desire
of the awakened countries and peoples of Asia and Africa is to oppose racial
discrimination and to demand fundamental human rights, to oppose colonialism
and to demand for nation al independence, to firmly defend their own
territorial integrity and sovereignty. The struggle of the Egyptian people for
the restoration of their sovereignty over the Suez Canal Zone, the struggle of
the Iranian people for the restoration of sovereignty over their petroleum
resources, and the demand for the restoration of the territorial rights of
India over Goa and of Indonesia over West Irian, have all won sympathy from
many countries in Asia and Africa. China's will to liberate her own territory
Taiwan has likewise won the support of all righteous people in the
Asian-African region. This proves that the peoples of our Asian and African
countries understand each other and have sympathy and concern for one another.
Peace can only be safeguarded by mutual
respect for each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty. Encroachment on
the sovereignty and territory of any country and the interference in the
internal affairs of any country will inevitably endanger peace. If nations give
assurances not to commit aggression against each other, conditions will be
created in international relations for peaceful coexistence. If nations give
assurances not to interfere in each other's internal affairs, it will then be
possible for the people of these countries to choose their own political system
and way of life in accordance with their own will. The agreements on the
restoration of peace in Indo-China were reached at the Geneva Conference
precisely on the basis of the assurance of the parties concerned to respect the
independence, sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of the Indo- Chinese
states and not to interfere in any way in the internal affairs of these states.
Accordingly, the Geneva agreements provide that the Indo-Chinese states shall
not join any military alliance and that no foreign military bases should be
established in these states. That explains why the Geneva Conference was able
to create favourable conditions for the establishment of an area of peace. But
after the Geneva Conference, we witnessed a development in the opposite
direction. This is not in the interest of the Indo-Chinese states, nor is it in
the interest of peace. We hold that the Geneva agreements on the restoration of
peace in Indo-China should be strictly and faithfully carried out. No
interference or obstruction from any quarter should be allowed. The question of
peaceful unification of Korea should also be solved in accordance with the same
principles.
We Asian and African countries need to
co-operate in the economic and cultural fields in order to facilitate the
elimination of the economic and cultural backwardness caused by the long period
of colonial exploitation and oppression. This co-operation should be based on
equality and mutual benefit, with no conditions for privilege attached. The
trade relations and economic cooperation between us should have for its purpose
the promotion of the independent economic development in each country, and not
to convert any country into a sole producer of raw materials and a market for
consumer goods. Our cultural exchange should have respect for the development
of the national culture of each country, and not to ignore the characteristics
and special merits of the culture of any country so that we may learn and
benefit from each other.
Today when the peoples of Asia and Africa
are increasingly taking their destiny into their own hands, even though the
present economic and cultural co-operation among ourselves cannot yet be of a
very large scale, it can be definitely said that this co-operation based on
equality and mutual benefit will have a great future. We are convinced that
with the advancement of industrialization of our countries and the raising of
our peoples' standards of living, and with the elimination of artificial trade
barriers placed between us from without, trade intercourse and economic
co-operation among the Asian and African countries will become ever closer, and
cultural interflow will be ever more frequent.
By following the principles of mutual
respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non- aggression,
non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit,
the peaceful coexistence of countries with different social systems can be
realized. When these principles are ensured of implementation, there is no
reason why international disputes cannot be settled through negotiation.
In the interest of defending world peace,
we Asian and African countries, which are more or less under similar
circumstances, should be the first to co-operate with one another in a friendly
manner and put peaceful coexistence into practice. The discord and estrangement
created among the Asian and African countries by colonial rule in the past
should no longer be there. We Asian and African countries should respect one
another, and eliminate any suspicion and fear which may exist between us.
The Government of the People's Republic of
China fully agrees to the aims of the Asian- African Conference as defined by
the prime ministers of t h e five South Asian countries in the Joint Communique
of the Bogor Conference. We hold that in order to promote world peace and co-
operation, the countries of Asia and Africa should first of all, in line with
their common interest, seek goodwill and co-operation among themselves and
establish friendly and neighbourly relations. India, Burma and China have
affirmed the five principles of peaceful coexistence as the guiding principles
in their mutual relations. These principles have received support from more and
more countries. Following these principles, China and Indonesia have already
achieved good results in their preliminary talks on the question of the
nationality of the citizens of one country residing in the other. During the
Geneva Conference, China also expressed its readiness to develop friendly
relations with the Indo-Chinese states on the basis of these five principles.
There is no reason why the relations
between China and Thailand, the Philippines and other neighbouring countries
cannot be improved on the basis of these five principles. China is ready to
establish normal relations with other Asian and African countries on the basis
of the strict adherence to these principles and is willing to promote the
normalization of relations between China and Japan. In order to promote mutual
understanding and co-operation among us, we propose that the governments,
parliaments and people's organizations of the Asian and African countries make
friendly visits to each other's countries.
Mr. Chairman and Fellow Delegates, gone
for ever are the clays when the destiny of the Asian and African peoples was
manipulated at will by others. We believe that if we are determined to preserve
world peace, no one can drag us into war; if we are determined to strive for
and safeguard our national independence, no one can continue to enslave us; if
we are determined to enter into friendly co-operation, no one can split us.
What we Asian and African countries want
are peace and independence. It is not our intention to make Asian and African
countries antagonistic to countries in other regions. We want just as well the
establishment of peaceful and co-operative relations with countries in other
regions.
This meeting of ours was not easily
brought about. Though there are among us many different views, they should not
influence the common desires that we all hold. Our Conference ought to give
expression to our common desires and thus make itself a treasured page in the
history of Asia and Africa. At the same time, the contact that has been
established by us through this Conference should be maintained in order that we
may make greater contributions to world peace.
As His Excellency President Sukarno of the
Republic of Indonesia has rightly said, we Asians and Africans must be united.
Let us greet in advance the success of our
Conference.
CHOU EN-LAI
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