WA02: China in Global Politics
Time: Wednesday, 06/Aug/2014: 2:00pm - 3:45pm
Session Chair: Monika Krukowska, Warsaw School of Economics
Discussant: Jeffrey Henderson, University of Bristol
PRESENTATIONS:
Sociological Analysis of Chinese Foreign Policy in the Middle East: Chinese Characteristics of Neoliberalism and Foreign Policy
Portland State University, United States of America; tugrulkeskin (at) pdx.edu
China’s involvement in the Middle East is hardly a new
phenomenon. It can rather be traced back to the 9th century and the
time of the Silk Road. Before the start of the new millennium, China’s interest
in the Middle East was limited. The beginning of the 21st century,
however, has seen an unprecedented extension of Chinese influence in the Middle
East. Starting with the adoption of the “going out” strategy in 2001, China has
dramatically increased its footprint in the region. Focusing on foreign
investments, construction projects, and the development of natural resources,
China has become a major player in the Middle East. Its influence today goes
beyond economics, also incorporating diplomacy and soft power. The Chinese approach of
focusing on commerce and keeping a low profile constitutes a remarkable
contrast to the dominant foreign power in the region, the United States. Unlike
U.S. policies, China’s foreign policy rejects the interference in domestic
affairs of other states and the projection of military force. As a consequence,
considering the various U.S. military entanglements in the region, an increased
Chinese role in the Middle East is welcomed by most of the region’s
governments. It is fair to argue that China’s profile and influence in the
region is increasing at the same time that U.S. influence is in decline.This paper examines the
growing role of China as a soft power in the Middle East following Deng
Xiaoping’s policies to liberalize the Chinese economy in 1978. As a result of
the neoliberal trend in China, more than 350 million new members of the middle
class emerged; by 2020, this number will increase to 500 million according to
the World Bank. The emergence of a large middle class in China created
additional energy and security needs for the Chinese Neoliberal state and society.
Therefore, in this paper, we will examine how the political economy has shaped
and restructured Chinese’s Foreign Policy in the Middle East. Unlike Chinese
Foreign Policy in Africa, the Middle East is considered a backyard of the
American empire; therefore, the Chinese have moved quietly and gradually into
the Middle Eastern market to obtain a greater share of oil and energy
resources, unlike more aggressive strategy in Africa. In this paper, we will review this gradual
change of Chinese foreign policy in the Middle East based on their needs for
additional energy resources for the emerging middle class in China.
Does Chinese Engagement In Africa Boost Continent’s Integration?
1University of Warsaw, Poland; 2Xiamen University, China; ewelinalubieniecka (at) gmail.com
The purpose of this paper is to review the possible benefits and
challenges of Chinese engagement in Africa in terms of the continent’s
integration. Benefits of integration of Africa seems to be obvious: it would result
in higher credibility, coordination of trade (and other) policies,
higher possibility of conflict prevention and increased investment
(thanks to lower distortions and bigger markets which would enable
economics of scale), so therefore to increased global competitiveness. Taking into consideration that there are 15 landlocked countries in
Africa, further integration (within RECs, NEPAD and African Union)
should be considered as important for providing e.g., energy and water
supply security for continent. China is already contributing to regional
integration through the development of infrastructure. Nevertheless Sino-African relations have another institutional
framework: Forum on China-Africa Cooperation. Does this multiplicity of
organizations with overlapping memberships contribute to the practical
achievements of regional integration or the opposite? Does Chinese
engagement encourage African countries to speak with one voice in order
to be stronger during negotiations? Chinese model of cooperation
described by Joshua Ramo as ‘Beijing consensus’ differs from Western
model, referred as Washington consensus. Does Beijing consensus provide
better opportunities for integration?
Chinese Soft Power in Africa. The Changing Status of PRC in the Continent.
Warsaw School of Economics, Poland; monika_krukowska (at) wp.pl
Regardless the world financial crisis, African countries keep the fast
rate of economic development. Within the last decades the People's
Republic of China (China) has become Africa's major trade and economic
partner. China’s outstanding economic development, followed by its
growing political importance, has given Beijing new and powerful -
though less visible - instruments to exert pressure on African
countries. Soft power capabilities such as culture, education,
diplomatic power turned out to be efficient and helpful tools in
implementing Beijing’s foreign policy and economic goals. Thanks to its
growing engagement, China has turned from an insignificant partner,
uncomparable to Western democracies, to an important player with
significant outlook for the future. However China still has a long way
ahead to become a real soft power holder and make full use of its
capabilities.
China's Foreign Policy: Increasing bargaining Power by decreasing commitment in North Korea-China Relationship
Korea University, Korea, Republic of (South Korea); mwlohs (at) naver.com
U.S calls for China play a pivotal role to solve the North Korea nuclear
issue. How can China increase its bargaining power in North Korea-China
relationship? Glenn H. Snyder explains that the dependence, commitment
and interest can affect bargaining power in alliance. According to his
theory, the lesser a state commit to the alliance the greater bargaining
power it gets. During the 1st nuclear crisis, U.S and South Korea
requested China to cooperate with them for the settlement but China was
reluctant and passive to engage. As a result, the bargaining power of
China became greater in the 2nd crisis. China’s enlarged bargaining
power influenced the settlement of the 2nd nuclear crisis. China could
wield its leverage to make North Korea respond to its demand and offer.
However, its commitment led to decrease the bargaining power at nuclear
tests in 2005, 2006. From its past experience, North Korea realized that
China would not loosen its commitment. This is why China lost its part
as a host of six-party talks during U.S and North Korea came to the
‘2007 Agreement’. Therefore, being bystander can be better option for
China to maximize its bargaining power unlike U.S.
