Friday, September 7, 2018

BRI will help realize 'African Dream'

By Wang Yiwei 

China Daily | 2018-09-05

President Xi Jinping proposed the Belt and Road Initiative five years ago to bridge the development gaps among countries, improve peoples' living standards and promote sustainable, shared development. This makes the initiative a global cooperation network that connects countries by air, land, sea and cyberspace, and extends beyond the Eurasian continent to Africa and Latin America.
Building infrastructure is the first priority of the Belt and Road Initiative, as the world suffers from poor infrastructure. In particular, the West (including the United States) lacks proper, modern infrastructure because private capital has no interest in investing in infrastructure. The reason: infrastructure does not make money, in the short term at least.
But China is willing to invest in infrastructure, because it thinks long term.
People may ask: Why are Western companies not interested in investing in infrastructure while Chinese companies are? This is a key factor to understand: If China builds a high-speed railway, for example, Chinese companies will invest in real estate, tourism and other industries that will benefit from the railway. So even if the railway per se does not make money, profits could still be earned in other ways. And along the railway, we could build economic zones and industrial parks that would benefit the local economies.
Other developing countries want to learn from China's development experience. And many such countries ask: How has China developed so rapidly? Well, as we Chinese say, if you want to get rich, build a road; if you want to get rich quickly, build a railway; and then connect them so we can all get rich together. This is the essence of the Belt and Road Initiative.
After infrastructure comes industry clusters, followed by economic corridors. That infrastructure benefits the local people is a precondition for industrialization. If you cannot have industrialization, you remain poor. And if you are poor, you do not have the money to invest in infrastructure-this is a vicious circle.
The Oriental Industrial Park in Ethiopia and the Suez Canal Economic Zone in Egypt are shining examples that prove economic zones and industrial parks benefit from infrastructure. Africa is a natural partner of the Belt and Road Initiative, and the Tanzania-Zambia Railway, which was completed in 1975, is a symbol of Sino-African Friendship.
China has invested more than $70 billion in countries and regions involved in the Belt and Road Initiative since its inception in 2013, and commodity trade among them has crossed $5 trillion. China has also set up 75 overseas economic and trade cooperation zones with an investment of more than $27 billion, which have created jobs for more than 200,000 local people. And its Silk Road Fund has facilitated the signing of 19 projects with a committed investment of $7 billion.
In the coming five years, Chinese outbound investment in the Belt and Road participants could reach $500 billion, and the number of overseas trips made by Chinese tourists is expected to reach 700 million. These developments will greatly benefit the African countries cooperating with China on the Belt and Road Initiative.
China and African countries are also working on many other projects such as those related to industry, finance, poverty reduction, ecological and environmental protection, cultural and people-to-people exchanges, and peace and security. No wonder Chinese and African leaders have set the ambitious goal of raising China's foreign direct investment in Africa from $32.4 billion in 2014 to $100 billion in 2020, and increasing two-way trade from $220 billion to $400 billion.
Indeed, with the Belt and Road Initiative helping merge the Chinese Dream with the "African Dream", a China-Africa community with a shared future will definitely come into being.
The author is Jean Monnet Chair Professor of Renmin University of China.

Thursday, September 6, 2018

A New Era of China-Africa Cooperation


A New Era of China-Africa Cooperation Ep.1: Shared Dreams

A New Era of China-Africa Cooperation Ep. 2: Shared Aspirations

A New Era of China-Africa Cooperation Ep.3: Integrated Interests

A New Era of China-Africa Cooperation Ep. 4: Connecting People

A New Era of China-Africa Cooperation Ep.5: Future Partnership

Trade Winds between China and Africa (Episode I-II)

Trade Winds between China and Africa (Episode I)

Trade Winds between China and Africa (Episode II)

Sunday, August 26, 2018

Infographic: 60 years of China-Iraq diplomatic ties

CGTN  2018-08-25

Although China and Iraq established diplomatic ties as early as 1958, due to frequent security instabilities of the latter, it was not until 2015 that the two sides started frequent cooperation on various fronts.  In December 2015, Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi traveled to China and met with Chinese President Xi Jinping, with strategic partnership between the two sides established.   The two sides agreed to strengthen high-level engagement, enhance strategic communication on bilateral ties and international and regional issues of common concern to increase consensus and consolidate strategic mutual trust.  President Xi vowed to push ties between the two a step further, under the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. According to Xi, China would assist Iraq's reconstruction in energy, electricity, communication and infrastructure.

READ MORE.....

China's Military Base in Djibouti BY Mordechai Chaziza

THE BEGIN-SADAT CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES BAR-ILAN UNIVERSITY Mideast Security and Policy Studies No.  153

China’s Military Base in Djibouti Mordechai Chaziza E xEcutiv E  S ummary Following decades of non-intervention policy in the MENA region, China  is  now  establishing  a  permanent  military  base  in  Djibouti.  This  study   analyzes the motivation behind China's decision to establish a permanent  naval presence in Djibouti, and whether it reflects a fundamental change  in  its  non-interference  policy  in  the  MENA  region.  The  findings  show   that  geo-economic  interests  are  the  primary  consideration  in  China's   decision,  but  there  are  also  strategic  military  purposes.  China’s  non- interference policy in the MENA is evolving, and establishing a regional  military presence seems to be taking a further significant step, showing  a clear departure from its traditional interpretations of non-interference.  Consequently,  the  Djibouti  naval  base  may  be  just  the  beginning  of   China’s military expression of power in the MENA region.

READ MORE.....

Saudi Aramco Could Still Sell a Stake—to China

By Nathaniel Taplin

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL - Aug. 23, 2018

It was a tale told by bankers, full of sound and fury, but apparently signifying nothing.  Oil giant Saudi Aramco’s potential $2 trillion initial public offering is shambling slowly off the stage. The government in Riyadh—responding to reports that the plan has been nixed—still insists it will go ahead “when conditions are optimum.” But it’s been clear for some time that preparations to sell about 5% of the company have, at best, lost steam.  Rebounding oil prices have reduced the urgency of Saudi Arabia’s drive to diversify its economy—raising cash for investments in newer sectors like tech was one major rationale for the IPO. The political and technical issues with an IPO of the world’s biggest oil producer were always formidable, beginning with where it would list. A New York IPO would risk possible 9/11 related lawsuits, while London faced having to compromise its free-float rules to accommodate Aramco.

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Arab states’ simple equation to solve Chinese investment dilemma

Afshin Molavi

ARAB NEWS - August 23, 2018

Relations between China and the Arab world are as simple as 1+2+3.   That’s the formulation conceived by Beijing two years ago in an official policy paper, with each number representing a different aspect of the relationship. The number 1 refers to the energy relationship, seen as a “core” aspect, while the number 2 refers to the two “wings” of infrastructure investment and the facilitation of trade, and the number 3 is a tripartite wish-list of “breakthroughs” of cooperation in the fields of clean energy, nuclear energy and satellite technology.

READ MORE......

Xinhua's Editor in Chief He Ping met with #Oman News Agency's Director in Beijing

何平会见阿曼新闻代表团  

2018年08月24日 20:52:14 来源: 新华网  

  新华社北京8月24日电(记者王卓伦)新华社总编辑何平24日在北京会见由阿曼记协主席、阿曼通讯社社长穆罕默德·阿莱米率领的阿曼新闻代表团。
  何平表示,今年恰逢中阿建交40周年,两国建立了战略伙伴关系,这为新华社与阿曼新闻界深化合作提供了重要契机。新华社与阿通社关系良好,2005年签署新闻交换谅解备忘录以来,双方合作得到进一步提升。希望两社继续拓展合作范围,特别是在“一带一路”框架内发挥民心相通的桥梁作用,增进两国人民的了解与友谊。
  穆罕默德·阿莱米说,阿曼新闻界非常看重新华社的全球影响力,也从与新华社的合作中获益匪浅。希望阿通社与新华社继续加强业务交流和人员往来,为两国战略伙伴关系贡献新的力量。

http://www.xinhuanet.com/xhsld/2018-08/24/c_1123325713.htm

China’s Dangerous Ambitions in the Middle East

By Joel Sonkin

Algemeiner - August 7, 2018 

 The Trump administration’s National Security Strategy, released in December 2017, identified China and Russia as America’s greatest global competitors. The document asserted that it is these two “revisionist powers” who seek to “challenge American power” and “shape a world antithetical to US values.”  In its discussion of China, the strategy document zeroed in on Beijing’s ultimate goal of displacing the United States in the Indo-Pacific region and declaring East Asia its own sphere of influence. The key flashpoint for this competition has been the South China Sea, where Beijing has taken what were once small “maritime features” known as the Spratly Islands and created over 2,000 acres of land — or artificial islands — just off the coasts of the Philippines, Malaysia, and southern Vietnam.

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Bringing China to the Middle East in a big way

Jason Hayes REALTY BYTES/dubai

KHALEEJ TIMES - July 31, 2018

There are two things I have always loved about Dubai, even before I moved here. This is a city full of ambition, climbing one peak only so it can size up a taller one to ascend. It is also a city of incredible diversity. Almost every metropolis in the world is described as a 'melting pot', but nowhere can that be seen in greater evidence than in Dubai, and I don't mean that as a reference to the current weather. Occasionally, these two aspects of the city come together to form something truly unique. Such is the case with Emaar's plan to build the largest Chinatown district in the Middle East.  Needless to say, this is a fantastic way to welcome Chinese visitors to Dubai. And from a business perspective, it is a very sensible move. Within the last four years, there has been a growth of almost 120 per cent in the number of Chinese visitors to Dubai with a year-on-year increase of more than 40 per cent between 2016 and 2017.

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China’s power in the Middle East is rising

By Jonathan Fulton

The Washington Post - August 9  

Last month, Chinese President Xi Jinping made a three-day visit to the United Arab Emirates, his second Middle East trip, after visiting Saudi Arabia, Iran and Egypt in January 2016. The most significant outcome was the elevation of the bilateral relationship to a comprehensive strategic partnership, the highest level in China’s hierarchy of diplomatic relations. The visit indicates recognition in Beijing of the UAE’s role as a major actor in Middle Eastern affairs as well as the role it is expected to play in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

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Could China be the Middle East’s stabiliser-in-chief?

Arnab Neil Sengupta says as the Arab states seek to widen their circle of friends, China can enlarge its role in the Middle East if it views the region as more than an oil supplier and market for Chinese goods

SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST - Sunday, 26 August, 2018

Imagine there was an opening in the Middle East for a “stabiliser-in-chief” whose qualifications ran the gamut from impartial negotiator and deep-pocketed investor to generous aid-giver and geostrategic partner, nationality no bar.Could China land the job, outbidding such rivals as the US, Canada, Russia, Turkey and France?  What could work in China’s favour is President Xi Jinping and his government’s approach to the Arab world, in all its complexity.  Does Beijing intend to treat the countries of the Middle East and North Africa as suppliers of oil and natural gas, buyers of Chinese goods and providers of lucrative business opportunities? Or will China engage with the Arab world just the way it is – a region with pockets of conflict alternating with oases of prosperity, but whose development potential lies largely untapped, waiting for a global power driven by something bigger than pure self-interest?

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Oil rises as China demand resumes, signs that Iran supply curbed

Jessica Resnick-Ault

REUTERS - August 24, 2018

NEW YORK (Reuters) - Oil prices gained more than 1 percent on Friday, ending a run of weekly declines on signs that Iran sanctions may limit global supply and that a trade war may not curb China’s appetite for U.S. crude. Brent crude oil LCOc1 settled up $1.09 a barrel, or 1.5 percent, at $75.82 a barrel. U.S. crude CLc1 was up 89 cents, or 1.3 percent, at $68.72.  U.S. crude rose more than 4 percent on the week, after seven consecutive declines, and Brent rose 5.3 percent after three weeks of falling prices. 

READ MORE...

Tuesday, August 21, 2018

Chinese Image in the Western Academia: Chinaphobia and Neo-orientalism in Chinese Studies in the US After the Cold War Era

Tugrul Keskin
Professor
Shanghai University

ABSTRACT: Edward Said’s theory of Orientalism sparked the rise of a more critical understanding and discussion within the social sciences and humanities on how Orientalist scholarship has produced a false image rather than providing any academic objectivity in the fields of history, anthropology and political science. However, the old colonial mapping and containment of culture embedded within Middle East Studies has not been critically evaluated and updated to address modern realities in the years after Said’s work on Orientalism, not just in Middle East Studies, but also as it applies to African, Asian and Latin America Studies. This is due to the large scholarly industry of area studies, which has grown and benefitted from the plethora of state institutions that support and provide grants for academic careerism. According to Wallerstein, post-war language training was “the major justification for post-war U.S. government financing of area studies” Probably one of the best examples of this trend has been demonstrated within and through Turkish and Ottoman Studies in the US. On the other hand, area studies itself has an embedded colonial structure. However, over the last fifty years the colonial approach has started to change, influenced by facets of neoliberal globalization, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the emergence of modern China in the late 1980s. Instead of disappearing however, the old colonial model has been replaced with a new approach based on the neoliberal model of neo-orientalism and public scholarship. As a result, in the 1990s we started to see a more aggressive and hegemonic form of scholarship that uses a neoliberal understanding of human rights, academic freedom, religious freedom, democracy, and press freedom as tools in service to the neo-orientalist perspective. In the 1990s, modern China was emerging, while basic political concepts were reconfigured in Washington DC. These new economic and political realities have led to many important implications on academia, specifically for Chinese Studies in the US. In this article, I argue that the Neo-Orientalism perspective embedded in Western academia and also within the media and think-tanks, is a continuation of the cold war policy model.

Center for Global Governance at Shanghai University


Center for Global Governance

Shanghai University

2018-19

In a world in which all problems are global, there is no way countries can handle issues by themselves; we need global responses.
António Guterres, UN Secretary-General


Founded and Affiliation
Established under the College of Liberal Arts and Institute for Global Studies at Shanghai University in 2018.
  
Location
East Campus – 4th Floor, Graduate School, Shanghai University

Objectives
Since the beginning of the 20th century, we see the increasing trend of social, political, and economic connectedness among people, states, social movements, and parties in a process of transformation that can be called globalization. According to many scholars and policy makers, this is a result of new technological innovations, such as car manufacturing through assembly lines in the early 20th century, internet and IT revolution in the 1990s, and emergence of global commodity chains. However, we see negative trends in the global political economy related with economic inequality, poverty, climate change, wars, ethnic and religious conflicts, corruption, and many other issues. The world is changing; so is global governance, as a result of political economy. Most of the global institutions and international organizations were established under the conditions of WWI, WWII, and the Cold War era. Today we have a different world and we need to have a post-Cold War era of global governance and institutions that will be beneficial to peace, security, and economic equality.

This new center is intended to bring together scholars to exchange ideas of global governance and political economy. We organize seminars, workshops, and conferences; invite visiting scholars for a semester or a year; publish academic articles, books, and newsletters; support MA theses and PhD dissertations; and collaborate with other academic centers on global governance and political economy.

We welcome new ideas and different perspectives, because we are all different and coming from diverse ethnic, religious, social, political, and economic backgrounds. But we have to live together in this world with peace and security; therefore, global governance is an important aspect or milestone for a better world. However, in the last two decades, global governance has been in crisis to deal with certain social, political, and economic problems. As a result, we see a widening gap between rich and poor in the global south as well as in the industrialized countries, with chaotic urbanization, infrastructure problems, terrorism, ethnic and religious conflicts, climate change, clean drinking water issues, migration, and many other problems that we are facing today. Therefore, we believe that communication among scholars is a vital element to create a theoretical and practical paradigm for a more manageable world and eliminate miscommunication among institutions, people, and states in the global era.    

Projects:
Publications:
Events:
Conferences:
Courses:
Visiting Scholars:
Study Abroad to Middle East: (Turkey, Qatar, Israel, Iran, Egypt)

Advisory Board:
Professor Seriye Sezen, Public Administration Institute for Turkey and Middle East, Turkey
Assistant Professor Gokhan Bozbas, Necmettin Erbakan University 


Academic Team:
Professor Tugrul Keskin
Professor Zeng Guie 
Professor Tang Qingye
Professor Jiang Shixue /   
Assistant Professor Rajiv Ranjan
Assistant Professor Yang Chen 


Research Assistants:
David Perez, Graduate Student (PhD), Canada
Esra Sarioglu, Graduate Student (PhD), Turkey 
Beril Yolaçan, Graduate Student (PhD), Turkey 
Selim Han Yeniacun, Graduate Student (PhD), Turkey 
Cengiz Mert Bulut, Graduate Student (PhD), Turkey 
Abdurrahim Sagir, Graduate Student (MA), Turkey
Andrew Alexander, Graduate Student (MA), USA 
Loeun Chhany, Gradaute Student (MA), Cambodia
Olga Goryunova, Graduate Student (MA), Cyprus 
Miras Tolepbergen, Graduate Student (MA), Kazahsktan 
Tatiana Matias, Graduate Student (MA), Portugal 
Ibrahim Uzgur, Graduate Student (MA), Turkey
Asmaa Abusamak Graduate Student (MA), Egypt 

Editor:
Sabrina Rood 

Similar Other Academic Centers and Universities
1.     The Graduate Institute, Geneva ‒ Global Governance Centre http://graduateinstitute.ch/en/internationalgovernance
2.     Center for Mediterranean Studies – Pekin University
3.     Northwest University of Political Science and Law
4.     Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies ‒ KU Leuven https://ghum.kuleuven.be/ggs
5.     Center on Global Governance ‒ Columbia Law School http://www.law.columbia.edu/global-governance

6.     The Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Centre for Global Governance http://www.nupi.no/en/About-NUPI/Projects-centres-and-programmes/Centre-for-Global-Governance
7.     The Center for Global Governance, Reporting, and Regulation, Pace University http://www.pace.edu/lubin/departments-and-research-centers/center-for-global-governance-reporting-and-regulation
8.     Center for Governance and Sustainability, University of Massachusetts Boston https://www.umb.edu/cgs
9.     Waseda Institute for Global Governance https://www.waseda.jp/inst/oris/other-en/2015/10/16/658/
10.  Centre for Global Security and Governance ‒ The University of Aberdeen https://www.abdn.ac.uk/global-security/
11.  GIA ‒ School of Public and International Affairs ‒ Virginia Tech https://www.spia.vt.edu/gia/
12.  The Virginia Tech Institute for Policy and Governance


Possible Collaboration with Global Think-Tanks
1.     Chinese Academy of Social Science, China http://casseng.cssn.cn/
2.     Shanghai Academy of Social Science, China http://english.sass.org.cn:8001/index.jhtml
3.     Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Qatar https://www.dohainstitute.edu.qa/en/Pages/default.aspx
4.     Brookings, USA https://www.brookings.edu/
5.     Center for Strategic and International Studies, USA https://www.csis.org/
6.     Institute for Governance, Policies and Politics (IGPP), New Delhi, India


A Short-Term Visiting Scholarship:

1.     Ataturk Modern Turkish Studies Fellowship: September 1‒December 31, 2018 (Article publishing is required for this fellowship during your visit)
2.     Walter Rodney Modern African Studies Fellowship: December 1, 2018‒March 31, 2019 (Article publishing is required for this fellowship during your visit)
3.     Edward Said Modern Middle East Studies Fellowship: March 1‒June 30, 2019 (Article publishing is required for this fellowship during your visit)
4.     Gabriel Garcia Marquez Modern Latin and Central American Studies Fellowship (Collaboration with Latin American Studies Center at Shanghai University)
5.     Zhou Enlai Global Governance and Political Economy Fellowship: September 1, 2018‒May 31, 2019 (Book publishing is required for this fellowship)


Required:
  1. Curriculum Vitae/Resume
  2. Letters of recommendation/Names of two scholars 
  3. Letter of intent with:
    1. Dates/length of stay – Visiting schedule:
      1. Ataturk Modern Turkish Studies Fellowship: September 1‒December 31, 2018
      2. Walter Rodney Modern African Studies Fellowship: December 1, 2018‒March 31, 2019
      3. Edward Said Modern Middle East Studies Fellowship: March 1‒June 30, 2019
      4. Gabriel Garcia Marquez Modern Latin and Central American Studies Fellowship (Collaboration with Latin American Studies Center at Shanghai University)
      5. Chen Yun and Zhou Enlai Global Governance and Political Economy Fellowship: September 1, 2018‒May 31, 2019
    2. Research proposal topic (Purpose of visit) 500-800 words. Your research must be related with global governance and political economy. 
    3. Expected results/your publication and lecture during your stay in Shanghai University.
    4. Visitors are expected to contribute to local academic life of Shanghai University. 
    5. If you would like to teach, please send us a proposed course syllabus. 
    6. Visitors must acknowledge Shanghai University support in any publications prepared during their visit in whole or in part.
    7. Visiting scholars are individuals who possess a Ph.D. in History, International Relations, Sociology, Political Science, or International/Global Studies.

Please email your application to tugrulkeskin@t.shu.edu.cn

China Studies Group at Shanghai University
1.     Tugrul Keskin, Professor, Shanghai University
2.     Professor Jiang Shixue / China  
3.     Ian Nelson, Assistant Professor, The University of Nottingham, Ningbo
4.     Rajiv Ranjan, Assistant Professor, Shanghai University
5.     Yang Chen, Assistant Professor, Shanghai University
6.     Ivan Willis Rasmussen, Assistant Professor, New York University-Shanghai 
7.     Andrea Ghiselli, Fellow, Fudan University
8.     David Perez, Graduate Student (PhD)
9.     Esra Sarioglu, Graduate Student (PhD)
10.  Beril Yolaçan, Graduate Student (PhD)
11.  Selim Han Yeniacun, Graduate Student (PhD)
12.  Cengiz Mert Bulut, Graduate Student (PhD)
13.  Abdurrahim Sagir, Graduate Student (MA)
14.  Andrew Alexander, Graduate Student (MA)
15.  Olga Goryunova, Graduate Student (MA)
16.  Miras Tolepbergen, Graduate Student (MA)
17.  Tatiana Matias, Graduate Student (MA)
18.  Ibrahim Uzgur, Graduate Student (MA)

Monday, August 20, 2018

Pan Zhiping | "East Turkistan Republic": A Critical Assessment


潘志平 | “突厥斯坦共和国:一个批判性的
Pan Zhiping | "East Turkistan Republic": A Critical Assessment

潘志平 新保守主  昨天
【摘要】1944年新疆伊犁生暴,建突厥斯坦共和国。伊犁暴生在一个特的地域,即深受伊斯教影响且与苏联相毗的地区,生在一个特代,即民族主、社会主和伊斯义风起云涌的代。因此,这场苏联及本地的宗教力存在着复的互,集中表苏联暗地支持下的有宗教色彩的绿色革命,但本上,这场属于旨在分裂中国的民族主范畴。突厥斯坦思想源自泛突厥主、泛伊斯双泛),而作双泛纽带扎基德在其中起着至关重要的作用。尽管直至1908年以前新疆没有突厥斯坦的概念,但民族主者开始极从国外引入突厥斯坦概念和思想,并通想象构建自己的突厥“nation”,而将中国与自己完全无关的خىتاي )国家。民国以来,中国民国家和国民意一定程度的迷失,为这共和国突厥斯坦的滋生提供契机。

https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/eFgrUQfkLugkWqJd5A6RNQ